Yeltsin’s visit and the outlook for Japanese-Russian relations

The article clarifies a major misunderstanding prevalent among Americans, who tend to regard Japan’s request for the return of the Northern Territories as a narrow-minded, national-egoistic demand. Instead, the issue has become a global one. The author evaluates Yeltsin’s December 1992 visit to Tokyo, which has set a basic framework for further negotiation over the territorial disputes. Predicting optimistically the possible resolution of the dispute in the future, the author proposes concretely what may be done by the Japanese and the Russians. serves as first vice president of the International Council for Central and East European Studies (ICSEES). Dr. Kimura’s publications includeBeyond Cold War to Trilateral Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific Region: Scenarios for New Relationships Between Japan, Russia, and the United States (Cambridge, MA, 1992).     

China's Strategy in the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands Dispute: Issue Linkage and Coercive Diplomacy

Abstract

For almost four decades, China has disputed Japan's sovereignty of several small rocky islands in the East China Sea. Despite a June 2008 joint gas development agreement, China continues to claim sovereignty and the dispute is nowhere close to being resolved. This study proposes that China benefits from the endurance of the dispute because it can use territorial dispute threats to compel Japan to change its behavior or policy on other disputed issues. The results show that China gained concessions on other issues by using the territorial dispute as bargaining leverage in most of the 26 threats made between 1978 and 2008.     

Russia and Japan at a new stage of relations

Today, bilateral relations between Russia and Japan are at an important historical stage, says Alexander Nikolaevich Panov, Ambassador of the Russian Federation to Japan. There is a “window of opportunity” to establish a new Russian‐Japanese relationship in the twenty‐first century. The only issue that now awaits resolution is the legal settlement of territorial delimitation. This outstanding issue provides the basis for Russia's proposal to incorporate an agreement concerning territorial demarcation into the treaty on peace, friendship, and cooperation. It is in the interests of both nations to preserve, strengthen, and broaden their bilateral relations and to revitalize and enhance their cooperation in all areas     

The Northern territories: Source or symptom?

The issue of the Northern Territories has often been described as the “centerpiece” of Soviet-Japanese relations, and this is seemingly reflected in the forty-five years of postwar diplomatic history between the soviet Union and Japan. At the same time an examination of the actual legal and strategic problems surrounding the islands sheds little light on why they have been so persistently unamenable to resolution, unlike, for instance, the Sino-Soviet border dispute, or the Sino-Japanese islands dispute. This article suggests turning the argument on its head—that is, that the islands dispute is a symptom, not a source, of the tension that has been generated by the timing and course of modernization taken by these two neighbors in the context of the contemporary international situation. The research for this article was conducted while the author was a master’s degree candidate at the Russian Research Center at Harvardy University, under the supervision of Professor Susan Pharr.     

“A disagreement between allies”: The United Kingdom,the United States,and the Soviet-Japanese territorial dispute, 1945–1956

Russian-Japanese relations are frozen in time by their territorial dispute over the Kuril Islands. In untangling the dispute, scholars have studied the history of Russo-Japanese relations, the USSR’s annexation of the islands in 1945, and the role of the United States as the USSR’s erstwhile wartime ally and Japan’s postwar partner. The United Kingdom, a key player in 1945, has been neglected in these studies. This article analyzes the evolution of the British position on the Soviet-Japanese territorial dispute from 1945 to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1956. The article reveals the marked divergence in this position from that of the United States, proceeding from a disagreement over the interpretation of the 1945 Yalta Agreement. In addition, the article highlights the manipulation of the territorial dispute by the United States to further its own political and security objectives and the British reaction to these maneuvers. Her recent publications includeBack in the USSR: Russia’s Intervention in the Internal Affairs of the Former Soviet Republics and the Implications for United States Policy Toward Russia (with Pamela Jewett) (John F. Kennedy School of Government, 1994).     

依靠美国：日本解决领土纠纷问题之路——原贵美惠对东北亚领土纠纷问题的主要观点

自称日本＂海外＂学者原贵美惠近几年发表了许多有关东亚领土纠纷问题研究成果,引起学界关注。作者提出东亚地区领土纠纷问题出现,都与美国战后主导《旧金山对日媾和条约》有关,是美国设置于有关国家之间的＂楔子＂,便于美国实施未来亚太战略。关于东亚领土纠纷问题如何解决,作者提出采用奥兰群岛模式,在多国框架内解决等。笔者认为,原贵美惠的研究成果确实比较新异,但并未脱离日本学者局限,依靠美国解决日本与周边国家间领土纠纷,是日本朝野上下的共同选择。     

Hopes and Realities in Relations Between Russia and Japan: Is a Breakthrough Possible?

During the last 5 years, Russia and Japan have been able to widen and deepen bilateral ties in many spheres, including politics, economics, and culture. At the same time, the further qualitative improvement of bilateral relations is hampered by strong influence of an enduring negative historic memory of Japanese society toward Russia mostly due to the so-called Northern Territories syndrome. The formation of Russia’s image in Japan is also strongly influenced by a number of time-limited factors, such as the state leader’s popularity, single-moment events, empiric experience, and others (Streltsov 43). In this paper, the author traces the recent history of the territorial dispute between two countries and then attempts to evaluate the influence exerted by four time-limited factors: the triple disaster in Japan (as an example of the implications of natural disasters), the two leaders’ political aspirations, mutual trust, and popularity at home (as related to the personal features of President Putin and Prime Minister Abe), on the two countries’ approach toward signing a peace treaty and solving the territorial dispute. According to the author’s hypothesis, the strategic vision of Putin and Abe and their trustworthy relationship are playing the key role in improving ties between the two countries. Moreover, due to its importance for these ties, this paper considers the geopolitical environment of the Russo–Japan relations and the current state and perspective for bilateral energy cooperation. Finally, the author turns to an evaluation of whether a long-overdue compromise on the territorial dispute could be reached anytime soon.     

Security dimensions of Soviet territorial disputes with China and Japan

The advent of Mikhail Gorbachev’sNew Thinking has produce a Soviet strategy toward East Asia that seeks a détente with China and Japan. An essential part of this task involves settling the territorial disputes that both countries have with the USSR. Present negotiations on the Sino-Soviet border have produced compromises, yet differences remain. Intractable positions by Japan and the USSR on the Northern Territories issue have resulted in a standstill that has prevented formal negotiations. This article analyzes the strategic-miliatary choices that Soviet leaders will have to make as they address the territorial disputes, examine possible compromises and their consequences for Soviet security, and assess the overall prospects for settlement. Rajan Menon is associate professor of international relations at Lehigh University and author ofSoviet Power and the Third World (Yale University Press, 1986). During the 1989⊋ash;90 academic year he is serving as a research scholar at the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and as a Council on Foreign Relations international affairs fellow on the staff of Congressman Stephen J. Solarz (D-NY).     

Russia and South Ossetia: conferring statehood or creeping annexation?

Abstract

Events in Ukraine have distracted international attention from the ongoing Russian involvement in the unresolved conflicts of the South Caucasus. This article explores the intensification of relations between South Ossetia and Moscow, focusing on the extent to which South Ossetia exists as a functioning state entity. Are the authorities in Tskhinvali able to provide vital services such as defence and control over ‘state’ borders and territory without Russian involvement? What has been happening in South Ossetia is important, despite being overshadowed by events in Ukraine, as it is indicative of what may well occur in eastern Ukraine: a simmering separatist conflict that is far more than a domestic territorial dispute, with both regional and international implications.     

Sino-Japanese Energy Security and Regional Stability: The Case of the East China Sea Gas Exploration

The Sino-Japanese dispute over the East China Sea maritime resources was triggered by the unsettled maritime boundary and the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. The dispute has been ascribed by many to intensified competition between China and Japan over energy supply. However this article attributes the fundamental cause of the conflict to power politics and political distrust, which are deemed to have the key role in preventing the two governments from finding a solution. The article analyses the origin and the causes responsible for the Sino-Japanese dispute over the East China Sea gas exploration, and then proceeds to investigate the diplomatic dialogues to reveal the key obstacles in the process.

Ballistic missile security risks facing Japan

Since the end of the Cold War, Japan's strategic value to the United States has undergone a qualitative shift, leaving uncertainty about how much the US can be depended upon to complement Japan's defense capacity. North Korean, Chinese, and Russian arsenals contain TBMs that could destroy major Japanese cities, yet Japan virtually lacks any independent means to counter them. Lieutenant Colonel Atsumasa Yamamoto was seconded to IIPS by the Japan Defense Agency. In this study, he analyzes Japan's current ability to deal with TBM risks. He also assesses the US TMD program and the extent of US support that Japan can expect.     

从对俄政策调整看日本周边外交的困境

日俄关系在日本的周边外交中占有重要位置,近年来日本试图通过调整对俄政策彰显外交的自主性,改善周边外交状况,推出了一些新的政策措施。首先,日本建议绕开领土问题,扩大与俄罗斯的经济合作,为两国关系的彻底改善,也为最终解决领土问题奠定基础。其次,提出日俄在争议领土从事"共同经济活动"的建议,旨在与俄罗斯在争议领土进行"共同"开发,获得俄罗斯默认日本对争议领土具有主权权利,以便打开日俄关系的大门。第三,日本试图通过调整对俄政策改善周边关系,维护日本在周边外交中的有利地位。但是,日本的对俄政策依然受到内外因素限制,俄罗斯不会轻易在领土问题上让步,日本国内舆论也不可能支持政府在领土问题上让步,日俄之间也不可能在领土问题上达成共识,日俄之间的经济合作也很难脱离政治环境而有所扩大,特别是在日美同盟的框架下,日俄合作具有局限性,日本的周边外交仍然陷于困境之中。     

日本战后日语教育国际化

战后,随着日本经济大国地位的确立,世界上学习日语的人数不断增多。在日语教育国际化的推广过程中,日本政府通过建立完善体制、设立推广机构、制定发展战略等举措,推动了日语教育国际化的发展。日语教育国际化不仅传播了语言本身,对促进海外了解日本、加强国际文化交流、提升国家形象具有重要作用。     

试析近现代中日教育文化的阶段性发展

中日两国的教育文化交流有着悠久的历史,中国的古代教育对日本教育的思想、制度及方法给予了巨大的影响。然而清朝的闭关锁国束缚了中国教育的发展。近代日本教育在中国的教育发展中起到了举足轻重的作用。本文试从历史的角度出发,结合文化发展的四个阶段,分析各阶段日本教育在中国教育发展中的作用及其所扮演的角色。     

Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands Dispute and Taiwan’s Netizens’ Sentiments Toward Japan and China

East Asia - Senkaku/Diaoyu islands dispute has caused tensions among China, Japan, and Taiwan for decades. Although the Taiwanese government keeps a low profile on the dispute, the issue has flared...     

The Japanese legal system: Why many Americans fail

In the United States, a businessperson can operate within the familiar framework of American law, relying on a legal expert only for the relevant specifics. However, because the historical background, modern usage, and basic logical structure of the Japanese legal system differs so completely from American expected norms, this simple acquaintance with the law is insufficient in Japan. The failure of the American trans-Pacific business community to acquaint itself adequately with the unique Japanese legal system has contributed to America’s inability to penetrate Japanese markets, the default of many business ventures, and ultimately to the decline of America’s economic status relative to Japan.     

韩中文化交流现状与展望——以出版业为例

韩中两国自1992年建交以来的20余年间,双方在经贸、教育、互访、国际婚姻、文化以及人力资源等领域的合作交往日益深化。其中,出版业奠定了所有交流领域的文化基础,具有重要的意义。到目前为止,韩中双方的出版业交流主要以纸类书籍为主。如今,随着IT产业的发达,孕育了电子书产生的背景,引起了图书史上的一场革命。要想促进电子书更广泛的交流,必须要加强著作权的保护,提高读者交付阅读费用的认识,普及价格低廉的阅读器,统一电子书的标准发展平台等问题要率先得到考虑与完善。电子书便利的使用途径、互联网简单的传播方式、低廉的购买费用和管理费用、大量传播、多媒体资源的有效利用等优点,可以更加有效地促进韩中两国的文化理解,增进友好关系。因此,电子书是两国文化交流不可或缺的新型载体。     

Sino-Japanese Relations Adrift in a Changing World

The Sino-Japanese dispute over the arrest of the Chinese fishing trawler captain is the most serious bilateral incident since 1952. Japan took an action viewed by Beijing as provocative and China overreacted. Feeling humiliated, Japan has sought allies to check on China. But China is not isolated. When it seeks to recover from its diplomatic setbacks in 2010, Beijing looks elsewhere because it has little trust in the DPJ government. As the world's second and third largest economies, China and Japan should improve relations. Without improved ties, they will find it even harder to manage emotionally charged disputes next time around. China and Japan are rivals but they are not yet enemies. The Chinese and Japanese governments need to exercise leadership, which includes making compromises when and where they become necessary. Since they have weakened capacity to deal with bilateral disputes, they should avoid them in the first place.     

ASEAN and Northeast Asian energy security: Cooperation or competition?

For several decades, Northeast Asia has invested heavily in ASEAN’s fossil fuel industries. This investment has been fundamental in ASEAN’s industrial and regional development and has also been a main source of foreign exchange. In recent years, however, while energy demand in Japan and Korea has been slowing down, it has begun to increase rapidly in ASEAN at a time when some of its own oil and gas fields are beginning to decline. The sharp rise in ASEAN's demand for energy is partly the result of massive FDI from Northeast Asia in manufacturing enterprises. This investment is enabling ASEAN to become less dependent on the export of fossil fuels for foreign exchange. Indonesia has already announced it is reducing its energy exports to Japan because it wants to use the fuel domestically. Without doubt, the other ASEAN energy exporting countries will also soon be reconsidering their energy export contracts with Northeast Asia.     

Japan's ODA in the 21st century

In this article, Atsushi Kusano, Professor of Policy Management at Keio University, Tokyo, discusses the challenges facing the Japanese government as it continues its active promotion of official development assistance (ODA). The government is being exposed to competing pressures from the domestic and international communities. In response to these pressures, Professor Kusano argues that the Japanese government should improve the transparency of its ODA program, think strategically and set clear priorities for assistance, and incr ease public understanding and support. However, the future of Japan's ODA program, he says, depends not only on the efforts of the Japanese government, but also on the positive action by the people of Japan and by developing countries themselves.