现代伊斯兰主义同民族主义的关系

学界一直把1967年战争作为阿拉伯民族主义和现代伊斯兰主义的分水岭，认为伊斯兰主义是穆斯林世界在社会主义、资本主义和民族主义等外来思想的实践均告“失败”的情况下，对于伊斯兰的回归，因而是伊斯兰对于民族主义的否定，甚至是反民族主义的。本文认为，在中东政治生活中，伊斯兰主义与民族主义之间的关系绝不是单纯的对立关系，而是一种相互交又甚至包容的关系。     

20世纪以来泰国马来穆斯林民族主义的演化与发展

20世纪以来,在与外界群体的互动中,泰国马来穆斯林群体的民族认同与民族意识经历了两次转变。第一次是在大泰族主义刺激及泛马来民族主义召唤下,由非政治性的地方民族主义向政治性的跨界民族主义转变,穆斯林群体民族意识高涨,并掀起了大规模的分离运动。第二次则是由于新时期泰南局势的转变及全球性伊斯兰激进思潮的影响,穆斯林群体的民族意识与认同出现了分野,多元认同与极端宗教主义成为这一群体表达民族意识的两种方式。泰南穆斯林群体民族意识和认同的演化,体现了泰国与周边地区的发展态势,折射出20世纪以来东南亚地区伊斯兰文化圈的变化发展。     

印度民族主义的特征及世界性影响

印度是一个以民族主义立国的地区性大国,在长期的发展演变过程中,形成了代表印度上层利益的世俗民族主义、代表中产阶级利益的印度教民族复兴主义和代表穆斯林利益的伊斯兰运动三股流派。这三股流派分别具有较强的政治性特征、主题性特征和不协调性特征。各流派之间的相互矛盾和斗争不仅给印度的崛起和发展带来不确定性,还给经济全球化和世界多极化进程带来复杂而深刻的影响。     

西方民族主义研究现状及历史刍议

西方学术界对民族主义问题的持久研究兴趣缘于民族主义对近现代世界历史和国际关系的直接影响,也因为民族主义具有既对人类的安全、公正等最深层的迫切要求作出积极回应,又引起世界性的动荡和人类之间的大规模兵戎相见的两面性.在对民族主义进行全面系统的研究方面,西方学术界显然走在了前面,但国内学术界对之的了解和研究似乎并不很透彻.西方学术界对民族主义的研究可以分为19世纪、19世纪末至20世纪50年代和自20世纪60年代延续至今天的三个阶段.当西方的民族主义研究进入第三阶段之后,各种不同的民族、民族主义理论应运而生,这对依然在当今的国际社会有着重大影响的民族主义意识形态和运动产生了明显的促进作用.     

国外印度教民族主义研究述评

20世纪中后期,全球经历了—次民族主义的复兴浪潮。从加拿大魁北克省分离运动到巴勒斯坦建国运动,从苏联解体和东欧剧变引发的民族独立运动到北爱和平运动,民族主义在全球化的知识背景中展示了一幅多样化图景。虽然全球化时代的这些运动都可以被简约为全球背景下的某种“地方性知识”,但更重要的是,正是这无数个丰富多彩的地方性知识结构才构成整个全球化过程,全球化过程所遵循的逻辑也恰恰就是“地方性知识”的竞争合作。印度教民族主义就是这样一种历史现象。自20世纪70年代以来,印度的一个突出变化就是印度教民族主义逐步在现代性的全球…     

论阿根廷早期经济民族主义

19世纪末到1930年间的阿根廷早期经济民族主义主要是在经济危机的推动下萌芽并发展的,具有应激性的特点;与二战后走向高潮的经济民族主义相比,阿根廷早期经济民族主义表现形式相对温和;由于出口寡头的阻碍及中产阶级推动力的不足,阿根廷早期经济民族主义影响有限。阿根廷经济民族主义的早期发展为其在庇隆执政时期达到高潮奠定了基础。庇隆主义是萌芽于19世纪末的阿根廷早期经济民族主义发展的自然结果,而非阿根廷历史的变态发展。     

中东民族国家建构中的民族主义与伊斯兰教

本文认为,从政治现代化的角度来看,民族主义作为一个"现代性"概念和意识形态,构成了建构中东民族国家并启动其政治现代化进程的重要意识形态因素,从而强烈地冲击了伊斯兰政治传统;而有着深厚传统根基的伊斯兰教则在中东政治现代化进程陷入挫折之际,以伊斯兰原教旨主义的方式构成了对中东民族主义的严峻挑战.中东民族国家建构过程中民族主义与伊斯兰教的矛盾既有深层的历史文化原因,也有诸多复杂的现实因素.     

试论缅甸近代历史上的“1300运动”

"1300"运动是缅甸近代民族主义运动中影响最大的一次运动,这次运动由以下三部分组成1938-1939年仁安羌和稍埠石油工人大罢工和"饥饿进军";1938年的反穆斯林运动;以及1938-1939年的学生抗议运动."1300"运动促使缅甸人民更加团结,民族主义意识空前高涨,缅甸近代民族主义运动进而跨入了一个新的发展时期.     

浅析族裔民族主义与公民民族主义

本文梳理与分析了族裔民族主义与公民民族主义的内涵和它们之间的关系以及全球化对它们的影响。作者认为 ,两种民族主义都是现代社会中文化与政治合流的产物。但总体上看 ,前者的核心是文化认同 ,后者的实质是政治认同。两者密切联系 ,但之间有难以调和的矛盾。全球化时代 ,两种民族主义既显示了各自的力量 ,也暴露出各自的局限性 ,它们在被削弱的同时 ,也得到了强化。如何处理好族裔认同与公民认同之间的关系 ,塑造一个祥和的世界 ,仍是国际关系学者需要探讨的重要课题。     

印度教与印度民族主义

本文探讨了印度教对印度民族主义的负面影响 ,以及印度民族独立运动的领袖如何利用印度教来促成印度民族主义的形成、教派民族主义者如何利用印度教来为教派民族主义服务 ,并指出以印度教为基础的民族主义对印度社会的的双重作用。     

印度民族认同与宗教认同

从婆罗门教时代直到穆斯林统治时期，印度的教派主义和教派冲突本来并不是特别严重，各宗教之间基本上也能够做到相互共存与和平竞争。随着英国占领印度并实行“分而治之”的政策，使得印度的伊斯兰教徒与印度教徒逐步走向了相互猜疑、忌恨甚至恶意攻击，并出现了最终导致巴基斯坦建国的穆斯林分离运动。在这一过程中，印度穆斯林所特有的宗教认同自始至终起到了一种枢纽性的作用。     

冷战后泰南穆斯林分离运动的原因探析

本文试图从政治、经济、文化和国际背景入手,分析泰南穆斯林分离运动在冷战后时期再度兴起的原因,阐明泰南穆斯林分离运动的形成与发展既是历史的延续,也是内因与外因交互作用的结果,其中内因起着主导作用。     

Islam and Muslim Communities in the UK: Multiculturalism,Faith and Security

This piece examines the relationship of Muslim communities to the UK mainstream between 2005 and 2010. Using the dual backdrop of the country's embedded multiculturalism policy and its counter-terrorism strategy implemented through the Prevent agenda, the authors brush a picture of a tense yet ultimately resilient relationship. While Prevent was often accused of leading to a securitisation of community policy, it is arguable that tensions have led to increased visibility and leadership capacity from the Muslim community, and a recognition of their role and diversity on behalf of the public and the government.     

俄国1905年:泛突厥主义从文化宣传转向政治行动

19世纪下半叶在俄国穆斯林中间出现了主张在语言、思想和行动上进行统一的社会文化运动。20世纪初,俄国泛突厥主义由社会文化运动转变为一场社会政治运动,其标志是1905年的全俄穆斯林大会和穆斯林联盟的成立。     

Norming “Moderation” in an “Iconic Target”: Public Policy and the Regulation of Religious Anxieties in Singapore

The maintenance of a “moderate mainstream” Muslim community as a bulwark against the fraying of harmonious ethnic relations has become a key governance concern post-September 11. In light of the global concern—and often paranoia—with diasporic Islam, Islamic religious institutions and civil society have been portrayed in the popular media as hotbeds of radicalism, promoters of hatred, and recruiters for a “conflict of civilization” between the Muslim world and the modern world. Having declared itself a terrorist's “iconic target,” Singapore has taken a broad-based community approach in advancing inter-religious tolerance, including a subtle initiative to include the “Muslim civil society” in advancing the understanding and the promotion of a moderate brand of Islam in Singapore. This tacit process of regulation (top-down, intra-community and inter-community), while effective, is constrained by the unique governance context in Singapore.     

Muslim welfare bodies: New avenues of representation?

ABSTRACT

A lot of ink has flown over the issue of political under-representation of Muslims in India and over affirmative action measures needed to redress this imbalance. However, a minimal amount of attention has been paid to how Muslims are finding new ways to counter this under-representation. The Ministry for Minority Welfare and subsequent creation of the Minority Welfare Department seem to have expanded the locus of representation for Muslims beyond elections, legislatures, and membership of political parties. Consequently, the number of “Muslim representatives” has increased, in addition to MPs and MLAs who strictly speaking are supposed to be “people’s representatives.” Focusing on two Muslim groups’ engagement with the minority welfare bodies, the article contends that the success or failure of Muslim appointments to state bodies is based not so much on religious differentiation as on the ruling party’s electoral strategies, and their inclusion in these bodies only reinforces their minority status without integrating them entirely in the political process.     

From Civic Pluralism to Ethnoreligious Majoritarianism: Majority Nationalism in India

Abstract

This article analyzes the changing nature and substance of Indian nationalism since independence in 1947. India provides insights into how state and majority nationalism manifests itself in a democratic post-colonial society. It also draws attention to how state-making and nation-building reflect the dominant political position of the majority nation in a specific state. In India, the state actively sought to accommodate ethnic and linguistic demands through a consensual federal system. In this form, the majority nationalism did not always imply majoritarianism. The outcome was complex asymmetrical federalism that sought accommodation but also actively opposed secessionist demands by nationalist movements. This accommodationist form of majority nationalism has in recent decades been replaced by an ethnoreligious nationalism based on majoritarian and exclusivist principles. The political success of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has weakened India’s asymmetrical federalism. The trend is away from pluralistic possibilities to a unitary nation-state model. This majoritarian nationalism is characterized by an insistence on Hindutva or Hindu nationalism, intolerance of difference and an insistence that all those who live in India share a common culture, Identity and historic past. The decision to repeal Article 370 of the Constitution, which provides a special status for Jammu and Kashmir, is discussed in this context.     

Abe's Nationalism and His Policy Practice

Nationalism threatens to imbue modem Japan with a rationale for increased militarism.Post-war nationalism was a reason Japan had launched war abroad,but the reinvigoration of Japanese nationalism is burgeoning under two-term Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.His sense of nationalism,which has domestic and international repercussions,has developed under the influence of his family political genes.Abe's nationalism is being carried out in internal and external policies,with increasingly negative impact on domestic and regional order.The international community should remain vigilant of his right-wing politics.