Ethnicity and political participation: A comparison between Asian and Mexican Americans

What is ethnicity and how does it matter for political participation? Previous research has shown that the participatory disparity of Asian Americans, as different from Latinos, cannot be explained with sociodemographic and group consciousness variables. Adopting the view of a growing body of scholars who think ethnicity is an evolving rather than a static phenomenon, this study proposes multidimensional measures of ethnicity for two immigrant groups. Reexamining part of the 1984 data set that contains a unique oversampling of Asian and Mexican Americans in California, it is found that the two groups, despite a huge socioeconomic gap, bear similar ethnicity and participation structures. For both groups, acculturation increases participation; attachment to homeland culture does not necessarily discourage participation; and the role of group consciousness is much more complex than previously conceived.     

Migrating women: Mexican women in the United States

"This analysis considers some aspects of the international migration of Mexican women, seen under the light of two recent statistical sources: the [U.S.] 1990 census and the 1993-1994... International Migration Survey at the Mexican Northern Border. The joint analysis of migrations and migrant inventories reveals the hidden scope of feminine exile, as well as some of its peculiarities, and offers numerical answers to two questions: How does sex differentiate Mexican immigrants in the United States? How does the migration affect work, marriage, child-bearing, etc. of Mexican women? The results suggest the need to address migration no longer as an action of individuals, but of families (most immigrants are married), and to place the mother or the wife at the gravity center of the household migratory space." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Semiotics of corruption: ideological complexes in Mexican politics

ABSTRACT

This article analyses a complex text and event to examine the role of ramifying contradictions in strategic social semiotics analysis. The focus was a paradoxical intervention into corruption by then-Mexican President Peña, who responded to an unprecedented wave of popular criticisms of corruption by simultaneously launching an Anticorruption System and apologizing for his own corruption. We asked: how did this contradiction work, in this conjuncture, with what effects, and how analyse them? We combined the concepts of the Ideological Complex and Wittgenstein’s “duck-rabbit” to explain unstable contradictions in a multiscalar, multimodal analysis of a diachronic corpus, to expose discursive strategies and identify points of vulnerability.     

Close-of-the-century trends in Mexican urbanization

"This article reviews the main characteristics of Mexican urban development during the eighties through the study of its spatial-demographic aspects and the changes in the space-sector structure of [the] economy, and suggests a prospect of national urbanization for the nineties.... The main point is to illustrate and explain why the eighties can be considered a milestone in urban development, [introducing] a new trend in Mexican urbanization which will consolidate during the nineties." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Quick counts in the Mexican presidential elections: A Bayesian approach

In all democracies, anticipating the final results of a national election the same day the voters go to the polling stations is a matter of interest, for television stations and some civil rights organizations, for example. The most reliable option is a quick count, a statistical procedure that consists in selecting a random sample of polling stations and analysing their final counts to forecast the election results. In Mexico, a particularly important quick count is organized by the electoral authority. The importance of its results requires this exercise to be designed and executed with specially high standards far beyond those used in commercial studies of this type. In this paper, the model and the Bayesian analysis of the quick counts conducted by the Mexican authority, during the presidential elections in 2006 and 2012, are discussed.     

Identifying Irregularities in Mexican Local Elections

A generalized distrust in Mexican local elections raises the question of whether electoral corruption has vanished or remains a prevalent practice in the country. To answer this question, I analyze the 2010 gubernatorial elections, exploiting a feature of the country's electoral system: within each electoral precinct, voters are assigned to polling stations according to their childhood surname. Consequently, the only difference between voters in contiguous polling stations should be their last names. Given that political preferences are seldom correlated with voters' names, I use suspicious differences in turnout levels across contiguous polling stations to identify fraudulent practices. The findings of this article indicate that nondemocratic enclaves that actively obstruct the completion of Mexico's democratic transition still remain today.     

Migration and Citizen Rights: The Mexican Case1

This article analyzes Mexican migration to the United States (US), as part of the South to North global migration, and focuses on the access of migrants to citizen rights from the perspective of the sending countries. Studies of citizenship and migration have mostly looked at receiving countries' policies; however, sending countries are also enacting laws that facilitate immigrants' access to rights. The study shows that the restriction of immigrant rights in the US has been paralleled by an extension of rights to emigrants by Mexico. These policies of the Mexican state include the rights to retain nationality when migrants nationalize overseas and the extension of citizen rights to the population abroad. The study describes the efforts on the part of the Mexican state to extend civic, political and social rights to non-resident nationals. It also reveals how the results of these efforts vary substantially, depending on the nature of each one of these types of rights.     

Phenotypic Preference in Mexican Migrants: Evidence from a Random Household Survey

Political Behavior - Does pre-existing preference based on skin tone, facial features, and other observable characteristics, i.e., phenotypic preference, affect immigrant voters’ support for...     

Are Americans underinvesting in their children?

He has written widely on the Economics of health care. Among his books are The Economics of Physician and Patient Behavior; Economic Aspects of Health; How We Live;and The Health Economy.     

Tourism: A Facilitator of Social Awareness in an Indigenous Mexican Community?

As Latin American economies and cultures become increasingly tied to a global political, economic, and social order, indigenous and other marginalized people find themselves at a crossroads where their cultural survival is challenged. Tourism is one important aspect of this new economic order and it is often one of the few resources remaining in countries such as Mexico whose economy has been tied more directly to interests of dominating leaders contributing to this new world order. And while many observers note that tourism often has an exploitative impact on indigenous and marginalized people, this article examines the contradictions in tourism, identifying those economic spaces where the indigenous people have been successful in renegotiating their position with the dominant mestizo group in their community. This article offers provocative insights about the impact of tourism on indigenous people in a community in the northern mountains (Sierra Norte) in Puebla, México. It examines the potential contradictions in tourism under the economic conditions of neoliberalism.     

Trade or raid: Acadian settlers and native Americans before 1755

Public Choice - Could North America have been settled more peacefully, with fewer property rights violations against Native Americans? To answer this question, we utilize the case of French...     

Social Equity and COVID-19: The Case of African Americans

Emerging statistics demonstrate that COVID-19 disproportionately affects African Americans. The effects of COVID-19 for this population are inextricably linked to areas of systemic oppression and disenfranchisement, which are exacerbated by COVID-19: (1) health care inequality; (2) segregation, overall health, and food insecurity; (3) underrepresentation in government and the medical profession; and (4) inequalities in participatory democracy and public engagement. Following a discussion of these issues, this essay shares early and preliminary lessons and strategies on how public administration scholars and practitioners can lead in crafting equitable responses to this global pandemic to uplift the African American community.     

Recent changes in the Mexican industrial labor force

"We study...some of the repercussions of the crisis and economic restructuring on the manufacturing labour force in the main urban areas of Mexico. Using the data of the National Survey of Urban Employment for the period 1986-1992, we set, first of all, the evolution of female and male presence in the manufacture of the country's main industrial cities. Further, some of the characteristics of the manufacturing labour force in different types of cities are examined. For this purpose, we are considering several issues: the condition of wage earner and non-wage earner workers, the size of the establishment, some sociodemographic aspects (gender, age, schooling level, and condition of the head of household), as well as different aspects related to labour conditions (length of workday, job benefits, and salary levels)." (EXCERPT)     

Low‐trust bureaucracy: Understanding the Mexican bureaucratic experience

Latin American bureaucracies are notorious for their inefficiency and opacity, yet there is very little empirical research done on what exactly constitutes the “bureaucratic experience” for citizens and what the costs of bureaucratic dysfunction are. To improve our understanding of this topic, 5 cases of Mexican citizens' encounters with public bureaucracies are used to develop the notion of “low‐trust bureaucracy”: public organisations in which access to services is unreliable and the levels of control towards both citizens and bureaucrats are excessive. This bottom‐up analysis of administrative practices contributes to our understanding of the ineffectiveness of government programmes and services, but also of how bureaucracies in developing countries amplify social inequality rather than function as a social equaliser. Furthermore, this article adds new insights to the existing understanding of administrative burdens as a result of either political tactics or mere benign neglect. The data presented here suggest that structural and intractable characteristics of the broader administrative context, such as authoritarian legacies, can produce behavioural patterns that shift bureaucratic attention away from a fair and efficient service provision.