日本战后新日本主义叙论

日本明治维新以后出现的"日本主义"为旧日本主义,而战败后的"日本主义"则为新日本主义。两个时期的"日本主义"都以"日本论"与"日本人论"为标识。自省—自信—自负,成为新旧"日本主义"共有的心路历程。总体而言,新日本主义随时代的变化而变化,其性质也随时而异,其早期的对战争的反省与中期的对"成功"的思考,曾给予历史以重要的启示,而后期的"自负"、"膨胀"意识的产生,则是一种危险的趋势。     

Post-war aid: patterns and purposes

A recent report by the World Bank reiterates the widely held view that donor agencies commit large amounts of funding in the immediate post-conflict phase, only for this to taper off to more ‘normal’ levels once the crisis is over. The World Bank criticises this phenomenon, referred to as ‘frontloading’, claiming that it damages the prospects of economic growth, which in turn undermines the peace. This article argues that the Bank's analysis is flawed because it does not distinguish between commitments and disbursements, or take sufficient account of other factors influencing aid patterns over time and in different settings. Moreover, the link between official aid and post-war economic performance is of only marginal significance. Any critique of aid policies needs to be based on a detailed analysis of what is delivered rather than what is promised, and of the impact of donors' assistance on the ground.     

文化因素与战后日本的核政策

战后日本能否始终坚持"无核三原则"的国家政策,是国际社会防止和控制核扩散的一个焦点所在,因此一直受到密切注视。作为学术选题,核政策问题通常是日本政治的领地,但日本政治在本质上是文化与人的产物,日本文化的独特性一直影响和制约着日本人关于核问题的思考与行为方式,而离开了这样的视角,对日本核政策的认识注定是不完善的。     

苏联战后的意识形态批判和政治清洗运动

本文着眼于苏联社会政治在战时、战后初期和后斯大林时期的历史联系,从一系列历史事件的内在关联中揭示了苏联战后意识形态批判运动和政治清洗运动的动因、内涵和影响.苏联广大军民在战争中的见闻、经历和思考孕育了战后的改革思潮.主要目的是震慑这一思潮,联共(布)领导以反"世界主义"等名义发动了意识形态批判运动.这一思想批判运动为战后政治清洗造势并作了舆论准备;在联共(布)党内接班斗争的背景上,在国内外各种复杂因素造成的1948年"转折"的推动下,引发了一系列政治清洗.在某种程度上说,"1948年是1937年的继续".但在"清洗"机器已经开动,正当"列宁格勒案件"、"医生案件"等在扩大"清洗"时,因斯大林病逝而刹住了车.从纠正战后政治清洗起,一个"解冻"和改革的新时期到来了.     

伊拉克战后重建的三个疑团

尽管 192 8年《巴黎非战公约》已明确禁止各国将战争作为推行国家政策的工具 ,但美国发动此次对伊战争 ,除了以“研制大规模杀伤性武器”、“庇护恐怖主义”等作为借口之外 ,似乎并不讳言其战争背后的战略目标 ,即改造伊拉克 ,“实现中东的民主与和平”①。在美英单边动武已是既成事实、且交战双方实力悬殊的情况下 ,伊拉克重建问题现在成为新的焦点。摆在世人面前的无非是三个疑团 :伊拉克重建包括哪些内容 ?谁来主导伊拉克战后重建 ?美国能否通过重建实现其大战略目标 ?早在 2 0 0 2年夏季 ,美国国家安全委员会就开始协调国务院、国防部等…     

战后东亚现代化进程中的工人运动

二战结束后,东亚的“发展型国家”普遍奉行“经济增长第一”的发展战略,工人阶级作为一个整体,与资产阶级的矛盾因经济增长的需求和国家振兴的民族主义压力,让位于经济发展,工人运动的目标由政治领域转向经济领域。依靠劳动力优势扩大出口和吸引外资,是东亚现代化模式的重要内容,也是东亚工人运动产生的客观根源;东亚国家所经历的政治民主化和社会结构的变化,对工人运动产生重要影响。     

从1483号决议看联合国在战后伊拉克的作用

决议的通过标志着联合国对伊经济制裁的结束 ,为全面重建伊拉克铺平了道路 ,而且反映了当前国际政治格局和秩序的现实 ,在重新确认联合国权威的同时 ,承认美国的主导地位 ,也给《联合国宪章》提出许多严峻挑战。     

Ambassador Laurence Steinhardt: From New York to Prague

The present article first traces Ambassador Steinhardt's career from his days at Columbia University (1909–1915) to his successful legal career as a partner at Guggenheimer, Untermyer & Marshall in New York City. It then studies Steinhardt's diplomatic career that commenced in 1933, when President Roosevelt sent him as U.S. minister in Sweden. This was followed by appointments—as U.S. ambassador—in Peru and the Soviet Union. His wartime service as U.S. ambassador to Turkey is examined closely since the lessons learned there would have been applicable at his next post, Prague, Czechoslovakia.     

Ambassador Laurence Steinhardt: From New York to Prague

The present article first traces Ambassador Steinhardt's career from his days at Columbia University (1909-1915) to his successful legal career as a partner at Guggenheimer, Untermyer & Marshall in New York City. It then studies Steinhardt's diplomatic career that commenced in 1933, when President Roosevelt sent him as U.S. minister in Sweden. This was followed by appointments—as U.S. ambassador—in Peru and the Soviet Union. His wartime service as U.S. ambassador to Turkey is examined closely since the lessons learned there would have been applicable at his next post, Prague, Czechoslovakia.     

Labour markets,employment, and the transformation of war economies

Although many different analyses in some ways acknowledge the relevance of labour markets to the political economy of violent conflict and of war to peace transitions, there has been little sustained or systematic exploration of this dimension of war economies and post-conflict reconstruction. This paper highlights the empirical and analytical gaps and suggests that a framework departing from the assumptions of the liberal interpretation of war allows for a richer analysis of labour market issues and policies. This is illustrated by the history of rural Mozambique through the war economy and into the first post-war decade.     

Borderlands and the transformation of war economies: lessons from the DR Congo

Border towns bring out the worst in a country… 1 ?1. Charlton Heston ‘Vargas’ in Touch of Evil, 1958. View all notes     

The international news about governability: A comparison of the New York Times and six news wires

This paper examines the international news coverage of governability offered by several news sources. Governability is defined as actual or potential challenges to the domestic political order or stability of a nation, manifested by oppositional violence, leadership crises or institutional change. The New York Times, AP, UPI, Reuters, Northern Reuters, Kyodo and Xinshua are examined for one week. We evaluate how well these sources cover governability issues with respect to four criteria: relative emphasis on the topic, volume of coverage, depth of coverage and extensiveness of country coverage (on both a global and a regional basis). Our results indicate that the global coverage of governability concentrates on certain regions and countries of the world, and that large gaps appear for Africa and for much of the Third World. The New York Times offers the most in‐depth coverage of governability issues, but UPI, AP, Reuters and Northern Reuters offer much wider country coverage. We also found that two non‐Western news wires (Kyodo and Xinshua) concentrate more on governability issues but offer less extensive country coverage than Western sources.     

战后冲绳处置与钓鱼岛争端——美国对冲绳与钓鱼岛问题的战略考量

战后美国主导对日媾和,通过《旧金山和约》获得冲绳等岛屿的托管权,但同时给予日本对这些领土的"剩余主权"。20世纪70年代初,美国把纺织品贸易谈判和归还冲绳谈判相关联,同日本达成《归还冲绳协定》,换来日本在贸易问题上的妥协。归还冲绳期间美日私相授受钓鱼岛,将钓鱼岛连同冲绳一并归还日本,但在中方抗议压力下美国表示对钓鱼岛主权持"中立"态度。毋庸置疑,美国是中日钓鱼岛争端的始作俑者。美国既制造矛盾又推卸责任的外交行为,成功在中日之间塞入楔子,实现了自身利益的最大化。