中印关系的进展、认知与和平前景

中印两国政府希望加强双边关系.本文旨在评估政府的这种热情能否对两国大众、政治参与者以及专家间的相互认知产生积极的影响.通过对民意调查、出版物和官方文件的分析,发现事实并非如此.两国问的相互认知明显地表现为矛盾心理和不信任情绪.     

冷战后印度与东盟关系:调整、发展与趋势

20世纪90年代,适应大国崛起战略的需要,印度的"东向政策"出台。印度的"东向政策"推动了冷战后印度与东盟关系的调整与发展。冷战后的印度与东盟关系的发展呈现"双轮驱动"的态势,一方面印度发展与东盟国家的双边关系,另一方面,依托东盟相关机制,印度发展同东盟的多边关系。未来10-15年,印度与东盟关系的发展将是经贸与安全"齐头并进"的趋势。     

冷战后中印在缅甸的合作竞争关系

根据国际关系的合作竞争概念,冷战后中印在缅甸的合作竞争关系可以分为两个阶段。在这两个阶段中,合作逐渐增多,虽然竞争仍大于合作,但竞争的主导地位有所减弱。受中印关系的影响,未来中印在缅甸的合作竞争关系还存在很大的不确定性,中国需要尽一切可能使之获得良性的发展。     

佩里来航事件与近代日本语言政策转变的关系

1853年的佩里来航,给日本社会带了前所未有的恐慌。第二年,《日美和亲条约》的签订标志着日本持续了近两百年的锁国时代就此结束。从此,为了与西方列强保持平等的关系,建立一个近代国家,日本政府开始积极学习和效仿西方的「一国、一民、一语」原则,大力推行国语统一的政策。可以说,此次佩里来航事件的发生极大地刺激了日本人的民族意识,为日后的民族认同以及国家认同打下了基础。     

The Four Faces of Bandung: Detainees,Soldiers, Revolutionaries and Statesmen

This article seeks to provide a textured and nuanced conception of the first Asian-African Conference (18-24 April 1955) by structuring four simultaneous, “mosaic” perspectives (for India, China, Indonesia and the Philippines) of that multifaceted event. By eschewing hegemonic “Cold War” and “triumphalist” interpretations, one purposefully avoids a rehash of the roles of the USA and the Soviet Union. Their role, in this study, is peripheral. This article highlights the complexity of the conference by a series of analytical snap shots, multiple focuses, recollections and memories, which emphasise the frequently neglected Babel-like environment of the Bandung Conference. The resulting analysis provides capsules of self-contained experiences rather than one unifying story. Ultimately, the highly contentious and disparate viewpoints that the participants brought to the conference underscored the difficulties that Cold War superpowers experienced in creating political-military blocs friendly to their cause. Third World countries, by the nature of their decolonization process and their political expediencies, succeeded in preventing both the superpowers from creating monolithic blocs.     

Changing Attitudes about the Weak: Social and Legal Conditions for Animal Protection in China

ABSTRACT

The foundation of current legal protection for animals in China is based on the principle of “rational utilization.” This utilitarian attitude supports the exploitation of animals through the legal means of resource management. However, through a process of public education and the construction of recent legislation, attitudes toward animals are rapidly changing in China. After the introduction of the concept of animal welfare in China in 1989, preliminary socioeconomic events such as early laboratory animal science, animal cruelty reports, pet ownership, engagement in international trade, and the severe acute respiratory syndrom (SARS) epidemic helped spur a trend away from a purely utilitarian attitude toward more positive associations with animals among members of the Chinese public. This phenomenon will be analyzed through the actions of non-governmental organizations, the media, academia, and international business to influence education and the development of legislation to promote animal protection practices. In addition, recent events will be used to illustrate political realities in China that impede the full promotion of animal welfare protection.     

A Comparative Assessment of the Information Technology Services Sector in India and China

The purpose of this paper is to assess the nature of competition in the information technology (IT) services sector between India and China. Using primary and secondary data sources, we compare and contrast the strengths and weaknesses of the IT services sector in the two countries along the main dimensions of Porter's competitive advantage model. The principal findings indicate that the IT services sectors in the two countries are distinctively different, have developed along different paths and are highly complementary to each other. China has a well-established hardware sector and its IT services sector focuses mostly on servicing its domestic market. India's IT services sector is predominantly export orientated with focus on the US and Western European markets. Contrary to popular beliefs, given the complementary characteristics of the IT services sectors in India and China, it is unlikely for the two countries to compete against each other in the near future and greater strategic co-operation between IT service providers in the two countries is a more likely outcome.     

“Land Grabbing” in an Autocracy and a Multi-Party Democracy: China and India Compared

ABSTRACT

Both China and India have witnessed extensive land expropriation by the state from farmers for use in industrialisation and urbanisation projects. Land conflicts have ensued from these developments. This article poses two questions: (i) Why do we see a similar escalation of land dispossession in both countries, despite their distinctively dissimilar political systems, one being a one-party authoritarian regime, the other being a multi-party democracy?; and (ii) How does the different regime type affect the politics of dispossession? Despite their diverse political institutions, government officials have been given similar incentives to chase growth by developing land, but the institutions create diverging environments for aggrieved citizens to mobilise for collective action. While it is unsurprising that the interests of the poor and weak are not protected in an autocracy, democracy provides no automatic safety valve in defending marginalised citizens either.     

Nakhchyvan,the Armenian arguments and the Allied Powers in 1919

The article explores the territorial conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Nakhchyvan region after the South Caucasus came under the Allied control following the Mudros Armistice of 30 October 1918. It analyses the arguments of the Armenian Government submitted to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 to substantiate its vision of territorial delimitation between the two republics with regard to Nakhchyvan, examines the positions of Azerbaijan and Armenia and the Allied Powers on the Nakhchyvan problem and assesses the impact of their stance on the settlement of the issue. It argues that the Armenian claims to the region were land-related, being part of the Armenian nationalist aim of constructing an expanded Armenia from the Mediterranean to Garabagh. It also argues that the Allied Powers were guided by their own interests while making proposals on the settlement of the conflict.     

东向政策与大国平衡:印度东盟认知的改变

印度东盟关系的发展得益于印度的东向政策和东盟的大国平衡战略,而双方认知的改变是其根源。     

从越南第12次南海国际学术研讨会看南海问题与国际传播话语权的炒作

作为海洋战略实施的具体措施之一,十多年来越南外交研究机构持续主持召开关于南海(越南称"东海")的国际学术研讨会,已形成一种较为稳定的机制。第12次南海国际学术研讨会是在越南因应新冠肺炎疫情冲击、世界和南海地区形势发生重大变化的背景下召开的,呈现出了一些不同于以往各届会议的新特点。越南主流媒体对此次会议给予了较多关注和宣传报道,力图表现出研讨会的所谓"公正性""学术性""法理性"特点,反映出的意愿则是服务于攫取和扩展自身海洋权益的目的,并与美国关于南海问题的声明立场相呼应。举办方试图通过国际学术研讨会平台的形式,渲染南海复杂和严峻的形势,推卸在南海制造麻烦和分歧的责任,宣扬其南海政策主张,寻求影响和主导在南海问题上的国际传播话语权。维护南海的和平、合作与发展是南海区域国家和东盟的共同愿景,推动这一愿景的落实是各方的责任,越南需要拿出切实的诚意和实际行动,不能仅仅停留在口头上,其媒体也应该发挥出更多的建设性作用。     

中美日三角关系在亚太:理论检视与前景展望

要展望某一种三角关系,首先要弄清楚这一三角关系的构成要件是什么,然后根据这些要件一一检视.本文将沿着这一思路,对中美日三角关系及其未来进行探讨.     

World Bank, Governance Reforms and Democracy in Argentina

The World Bank's endorsement in the 1990s of institutional reforms as a constitutive dimension of economic development led to the adoption of a governance agenda. The paper analyses the role the Bank exercised in Argentina and explains its influence in the adoption of a new state model, of new state civil society relations and on particular key components of democracy. This paper argues that while the Bank has helped to set up an agenda of reform regarding governance problems, the push for particular policies and practices has also produced partial and contradictory results on the consolidation of democracy.     

从《东南亚集体防务条约》看美国的南中国海政策

1954年以美国为首签署的<东南亚集体防务条约>正式把南中国海纳入美国的防御圈内;此前,南中国海位于美国在西太平洋的防线之外.之后,该条约多次被试图援引,用以对付所谓的"共产主义",实指中国在南中国海的活动.纵观20世纪50、60年代,在遏制共产主义的战略下,美国不仅试图否认中国对南中国海岛礁的主权,还坚决反对中国在南中国海采取任何行动,但放任台湾当局、菲律宾和南越等冷战盟友在南中国海的活动.     

"体制外"增长与"体制内"导向:从身份认定看中国留学生政策与侨务政策的关系

中国海外留学生的规模是引人注目的,中国的侨务政策是独特的.留学人员作为有着较强跨国"流动性"和一定"海外关系"的群体以及潜在或可能的移民,中国目前对于他们有着怎样的政策,这些政策与中国原有对待其海外移民的侨务政策又有着怎样的关联与不同?本文试图着眼于此,在概述和评估有关中国改革开放以来留学生派出及回国政策的同时,以身份认定作为探讨政策导向及其预期目标和影响的基本出发点,对中国留学生政策与侨务政策之间的关系作一初步考察.     

Civil and Uncivil Actors in the Guatemalan Peace Process

Abstract This paper examines the Guatemalan peace process by focusing on different actors in civil society. It considers the peace negotiations between the government/ military and the guerrillas, rather than the realm of electoral procedures, to be the main locus of political transition. Challenging the work of many elite-centred theorists of democratisation who claim that civil society is an ephemeral and largely insignificant actor in transitions, the analysis considers both popular actors and business associations, one of the major‘ uncivil’ actors in Guatemalan civil society, and shows that civil society can have an impact on transitions on multiple levels. In attempting to explain the degree of impact, the paper illustrates the need to examine both the surrounding political opportunity structure and internal factors such as organisation, strategy and leadership.     

中美学者关于中国在东南亚软实力理解的对比分析

软实力逐渐成为了中国一个时髦的话语,它甚至超越了学术的范畴。本文将对比并分析中美两国学者对中国在东南亚软实力的理解。     

中泰关系近况与泰国社会厌华情绪

中泰战略伙伴关系发展良好,这表现在双边政治、经济、文化关系的迅速发展上。但是,近几年来,在"一带一路"的大背景下,随着到泰国的中国游客和中资企业的不断增加,泰国社会舆论中出现了一股厌华情绪。本文将分析这种情绪的表现和产生这种情绪的根源,并向中泰双方决策者提出建议。     

欧盟参与中东和平进程:动因、角色与困境

出于地缘政治、经济、安全、移民、历史等方面的原因,同时受欧盟扩大其国际影响力的动机驱使,欧盟谋求在中东和平进程中扮演重要角色,并有意同美国的中东政策拉开距离。虽然中东和平进程是欧盟共同外交与安全政策取得成效最多的领域之一,但由于欧盟的共同外交与安全政策一直面临期望-能力差距的困境,欧盟在中东和平进程中更多的是在经济援助上发挥主导作用,政治进程仍被美国主导。欧盟想要在国际政治舞台上扮演一个强有力的国际行为体角色,需要突破自身在外交与安全领域所面临的期望-能力差距的困境。本文从地缘政治理论出发,基于国际行为体属性和期望-能力差距两个分析概念,对欧盟参与中东和平进程的动因、角色与困境作一分析。