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1.
Japanese women have been assigned to the private role of caretaker, but the Japanese government has made prominent efforts in constructing a “gender-equal” society during the past decade. This policy development has come under the context of falling birth rate. The Basic Law for a Gender-Equal Society and the measures taken by the government so far still fall short from enforcing gender equality and do not affirm equality as a human right. Since the pursuit of gender equality is a means to boost the birth rate, when there is a contradiction between these two goals, the former will be conceded.
Yuki W. P. HuenEmail:
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2.
Can-Seng Ooi 《East Asia》2007,24(2):111-128
This paper focuses on how the Chinese are represented in the international business literature. Chinese cultures are packaged to make knowledge about the Middle Kingdom more accessible to a general audience. The ways in which these packaged cultures are framed and constructed will be questioned here. Drawing inspiration from Foucault, this article identifies four traits of a packaged culture – it mediates, it asserts the uniqueness of the culture, it selectively packages the culture and it claims that cultural differences matter in business. These traits will form the basis for comparing and examining three methods of packaging a culture, namely the general-macroscopic, ethnographic present and critical emergence approaches. This paper concludes that researchers should reflect on the power they yield when they represent another culture, and that the general public may privilege theories that are accessible rather than sound.
Can-Seng OoiEmail:

Can-Seng Ooi   is an Associate Professor in International Business at the Copenhagen Business School. He is also the director of the university master programme in international business. The critical turn is central in all his research articles. Besides his interest in cross-cultural management issues, he studies the culture industry in Singapore and Denmark.  相似文献   

3.
David Lyons 《East Asia》2009,26(1):57-76
Social movements constitute a political link between the power of existing polity and the ability of citizens to influence political outcomes. As a result, social movements can represent a potential rival to the acting political system, acquiring power and facilitating change through actions that create threats to existing political structures. In Taiwan, social movements were born from oppression and neglect by the ruling political class of social concerns. Environmental protests were effective in halting further deterioration of the island’s environment. How have democracy and its ensuing freedoms for citizens and movements alike altered movement structure and their issues in the socio-political environment? This research traces the development and transformation of the environmental movement in Taiwan within this changing political structure and examines how mobilized protest has been increasingly muted as an effective movement strategy, and how environmental justice has been slow to materialize.
David LyonsEmail:

David Lyons   Received Ph.D. in geography from the University of London SOAS, research focus on environmental issues and economic development in Taiwan. Taught geography in Hong Kong at HKBU previously, current research activities involve disease and environment in East Asia  相似文献   

4.
This paper examines Japan’s FTAs with Mexico and the Philippines in the context of parallel negotiations in the Doha Round. Although the limited results produced by these FTAs represent an inferior outcome to what might be achieved with multilateral trade liberalization, there is no evidence that these agreements have weakened the political will of Japanese export interests to push ahead with trade liberalization in the WTO or increased the leverage of protectionist interests in opposing that goal. The greatest hope for increased Japanese flexibility in WTO agricultural talks lies in accelerated reform of domestic farm policy rather than reduced emphasis on pursuit of FTAs.
Gregory P. CorningEmail:

Gregory P. Corning   is associate professor of political science and associate dean of the College of Arts and Sciences at Santa Clara University. A former Fulbright-Hays fellow at the University of Tokyo, he is the author of Japan and the Politics of Techno-Globalism (2004) and articles in journals including Asian Survey, Pacific Affairs, and Social Science Japan Journal. His current research focuses on the trade dimensions of regional cooperation in East Asia.  相似文献   

5.
Brian Masshardt 《East Asia》2007,24(3):319-335
Prime Minister Koizumi’s six consecutive annual visits to Yasukuni shrine played a key role in initiating a new phase of domestic citizen political mobilization not seen since the early 1970s. This paper is based on field research during the Koizumi years (2001–2006) centering on domestic groups that conduct activities in “protection” of or “opposition” to Yasukuni shrine. As a study of street-based politics, this paper seeks to uncover the processes, strategies, and outcomes of citizen responses to elite political action at Yasukuni Shrine as well as explore meaning of their actions within the context of Japan’s democratic polity.
Brian MasshardtEmail:

Brian Masshardt   is Lecturer, Musashi University, and a Ph.D. Candidate, University of Hawaii-Manoa, whose research addresses the political aspects of Yasukuni in the context of domestic politics and citizen’s movements. His doctoral dissertation, entitled ‘Democracy and Yasukuni: Citizen Reaction to political action at Yasukuni Shrine, 2001–2006’ has served as the basis for conference presentations on Yasukuni and its attendant controversies.  相似文献   

6.
Japan’s Quest for “Soft Power”: Attraction and Limitation   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Lam  Peng Er 《East Asia》2007,24(4):349-363
Japan is seeking to project its “soft power” through the allure of manga and anime in its public diplomacy. The production, diffusion and global consumption of manga and anime are driven by market forces and consumer tastes and not by the Japanese state. However, the latter is seeking to harness this popular culture to burnish Tokyo’s international image. Despite the attractiveness of Japanese pop culture and other more traditional forms of public diplomacy, Tokyo’s pursuit of “soft power” and a good international image is undermined by its failure to overcome its burden of history.
Peng Er LamEmail:

LAM Peng Er   obtained his PhD from Columbia University. He is a Senior Research Fellow at the East Asian Institute, National University of Singapore. Lam has published in journals such as the Japan Forum, Asian Survey and Pacific Affairs. His books include: Green Politics in Japan (London: Routledge, 1999) and Japan’s Relations with China: Facing a Rising Power, edited (New York and London: Routledge, 2006).  相似文献   

7.
Based on the empirical analysis of migrant women employed in the catering sector, this paper examines the gendered and racialised division in the Korean labour market. Given limited labour protection and the flexibilisation of the migrant workforce in the labour market, South Korea has been able to reduce possible economic and social costs and, at the same time, enjoy the benefits of the significant economic contribution of migrant workers. By looking at gender relations and racial discrimination in the catering sector, and inconsistent government policies, this paper underlines that migrant women are marginalised in the labour market owing to their ‘multiple vulnerability’ as women, migrants and undocumented workers.
Julia Jiwon ShinEmail:

Dr. Julia Jiwon Shin   is a teaching fellow in Human Geography at Keele University. She holds a PhD in Sociology from the University of Warwick. Her principal research interests are in interdisciplinary and gender-sensitive approaches to the study of international migration and the transnational division of labour. Her doctoral research examined the social formation of the ‘gendered’ process of international migration by looking closely at different migratory stages of migrant women in Asia. Her research interests also cover the following areas: theories of migration; feminism; globalisation, migration and development; transnationalism; the feminisation of migration; the migrant labour market; gender, class, race and care work; social stratification and citizenship; nationalism and ethnicity; and multiculturalism.  相似文献   

8.
Phil Deans 《East Asia》2007,24(3):269-294
The Yasukuni Shrine is a site of contested nationalist politics in Japan and in neighbouring countries. Within Japan the status of the Shrine exists in a tension between public and private and religious and secular meanings. These tensions are given a specific focus in the context of the visits to the Shrine by Japanese Prime Ministers. The history of such visits is discussed and analysed, with particular attention given to the causes and consequences of the visits by Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro between 2001 and 2006. It is argued that the controversies over the visits in Japan and elsewhere are best understood in the context of ‘revisionist nationalism’ in Japan. The reactions and nationalist problematics of the PRC and Taiwan with regard to the Yasukuni Shrine are then elaborated and analysed.
Phil DeansEmail:

Phil Deans   is Professor of International Affairs, Assistant Dean for Undergraduate Programs and Director of Research at Temple University’s Japan Campus. He has a BA and PhD from the University of Newcastle upon Tyne and is completing the MBA in HE Management at the University of London. Before joining Temple he was Senior Lecturer in Chinese Politics and Director of the Contemporary China Institute at SOAS, University of London. His main research interests are in Sino-Japanese relations, with particular reference to the Japan-Taiwan relationship. He is currently researching the impact of changing nationalist dynamics in East Asia on Sino-Japanese relations. In addition to journal articles and chapters in edited books he is the author of Virtual Diplomacy: Japan-Taiwan relations since 1972 (forthcoming) and is co-editor (with Hugo Dobson) of Postage Stamps as Socio-Political Artefacts (Transaction, forthcoming).  相似文献   

9.
Jeff Kingston 《East Asia》2007,24(3):295-318
Yasukuni Shrine resonates with talismanic symbolism for both its critics and proponents and that is precisely why it is so controversial within Japan and between Japan and its neighbors. Controversy over Yasukuni is rooted in the broader historical debate about war memory, responsibility, and reconciliation. Competing narratives about this past send mixed signals to neighbors and prevent reconciliation. Despite Prime Minister Koizumi’s six visits, Yasukuni is an awkward talisman and many Japanese, including conservatives, oppose these visits. The Shrine’s image has been cast and no amount of artful repackaging will obscure its indelible links with Japan’s discredited Imperial ideology and the costs it exacted. The Yasukuni dilemma involves shifting the focal point of official war remembrance away from the Shrine to a secular war memorial where people and officials can pay respect to the war dead free from political agendas and historical baggage.
Jeff KingstonEmail:

Jeff Kingston   is Professor of History and Director of Asian Studies at Temple University’s, Japan Campus. He has a BS in Foreign Service from Georgetown University and a MA in International Affairs and PhD in History from Columbia University. His main research interests are modern Japanese history, Pan Asianism and reconciliation. He is also currently researching and writing about East Timor. In addition to journal articles, book reviews and chapters in edited books he is the author of Japan in Transformation: 1952–2000 (Longmans 2001), Japan’s Quiet Transformation (Routledge 2004) and Kokka Saisei (Hayakawa 2006).  相似文献   

10.
Simon Shen 《East Asia》2007,24(3):229-250
Focusing on the construction and reconstruction process of anti-American icons in contemporary China, this paper compares the patterns of interactions between the Chinese government, intellectuals and general public during four events centering on China-US relations: the 1999 Belgrade embassy bombing, the early 2001 plane collision incident, the September 11 attacks, and the 2003 war in Iraq. The article suggests that the proliferation of anti-American icons in China does not only point towards the existence of anti-foreign ideologies. It is also a channel for different players in China to advance their personal and group interests. As long as tolerance from Beijing is signalled, much nationalist rhetoric is a coded way of directing limited dissent at the Chinese state itself, but how exactly the Chinese public hold the “nationalist flags” — which is allowed by the party–state — against the “red flags” of the same regime remains relatively unexplored. Filling up such an intellectual vacuum is the central focus of this paper.
Simon ShenEmail:

Simon Shen   is currently a Research Assistant Professor of the Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies of Chinese University Hong Kong. He received his PhD in politics and international relations from University of Oxford in 2006, and a joint MA in political science and BA in political science and history from Yale University in 2000. He is teaching international relations and globalization at the Department of Government and Public Administration of the CUHK, and has also taught at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology and conducted research for Tsinghua University as a visiting researcher. His research interests include international relations, Chinese nationalism, terrorism and anti-terrorism and globalization. He has contributed to political science and history journals as well as book projects in English, French and Chinese such as Pacific Review, Asian Perspective, Journal of Chinese Political Science and Journal of East Asian History. His new book Chinese Complex Nationalism and Sino-US Relations will be published by Palgrave Macmillan in 2007/2008.  相似文献   

11.
Although Northeast Asia typically is seen as an arena for conflict over energy supplies, complementary economic relationships would seem to make the region ripe for energy cooperation: Russia possesses major oil and gas resources, while China, Japan, South and North Korea all depend on imported energy. The four papers in this issue raise a number of important and, at times, neglected issues about the prospects for energy cooperation in Northeast Asia. While focusing on specific projects for energy supply and conservation, the authors implicitly raise broader theoretical questions about the prospects for and consequences of regional energy cooperation.
Elizabeth WishnickEmail:
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12.
Koehn  Peter H. 《East Asia》2007,24(3):251-263
With deeper integration into the global economy and expanded penetration by multinational firms and other nonChinese actors following accession to the WTO, skills in bureaucratic entrepreneurship are not likely to be sufficient by themselves to bring about China’s sustainable development. In today’s interdependent and highly competitive trade, economic-cooperation, and resource-limited environment, sustainable development requires that subnational managers also possess transnational competence in collaborating with, negotiating with, and transforming foreign counterparts. However, survey research among Chinese executives based in Shanghai revealed that only a small proportion of the reporting current and future managers recognized the growing importance for China of an interculturally competent workforce. Without increased attention to enhancing the transnational competence of government and state-enterprise managers, peaceful and ecologically sound development will be difficult to sustain given the demands of multinational production chains, global resource constraints, and the challenges involved in managing transnational relations in the interest of China’s long-term economic progress.
Peter H. KoehnEmail:

Peter H. Koehn   is Professor of Political Science, The University of Montana’s Distinguished Scholar for 2005, and a Fulbright New Century Scholar. His co-edited books include The Expanding Roles of Chinese Americans in U.S.-China Relations: Transnational Networks and Trans-Pacific Interactions (M.E. Sharpe, 2002) and The Outlook for U.S. - China Relations Following the 1997-1998 Summits: Chinese and American Perspectives on Security, Trade, and Cultural Exchange (The Chinese University Press, 1999). He currently is involved in co-authoring a book with James N. Rosenau on Transnational Competence and the Helping Professions: Equipping Higher Education for Horizon-rising Challenges. During fall semester 2007, he will be Faculty Fellow in residence in the International Division of the National Association of State Universities and Land Grant Colleges in Washington, D.C. A full CV and list of publications can be found at .  相似文献   

13.
Chinese family enterprises in the United Kingdom have penetrated many different sectors of the economy, including restaurants, wholesaling, retailing, trading, manufacturing, property development, computer services and investment holding. Among the companies in these sectors, those involved in different segments of the food industry, as manufacturers, retailers and wholesalers, reputedly feature characteristics of Chinese culture. A majority of these enterprises, for example, function as family firms. This study explores the assertion that, among companies owned by ethnic minorities, culture strongly influences form of business development. This argument will be assessed through a focus on Chinese food-based enterprises in the UK. Two family-controlled companies, Seven Seas (Frozen Food) Ltd and Dayat Foods Packaging Ltd, were selected as case studies as they are involved in key business components of the Chinese food chain industry. Through an in-depth comparative study of the history and development of these two firms, we consider the argument that Chinese businesses have evolved well because of family ties and their inclusion in mutually-beneficial ethnically-constructed networks. Through these case studies, we provide an alternative perspective to diasporic Chinese business development which brings into question the extensive use of the concept of ethnic enterprise.
Gordon C. K. CheungEmail:

Edmund Terence Gomez   is Associate Professor of Political Economy at the Faculty of Economics & Administration, University of Malaya. He has held appointments at the University of Leeds (UK) and Murdoch University (Australia) and served as Visiting Professor at Kobe University, Japan. Between 2005 and 2008, he served as Research Coordinator at the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), in Geneva, Switzerland. His most recent publications are Politics in Malaysia: The Malay Dimension (Routledge 2007), The State, Development and Identity in Multi-ethnic Countries: Ethnicity, Equity and the Nation (Routledge 2008) and The Chinese in Britain, 1800-Present: Economy, Transnationalism and Identity (Palgrave-Macmillan 2008). Gordon C. K. Cheung   is Lecturer in International Relations of China and Deputy Director of the Centre for Contemporary Chinese Studies at Durham University, United Kingdom. He previously taught at The Chinese University of Hong Kong, and served as Secretary of the Overseas Chinese Studies Foundation, Hong Kong. His research focuses are Chinese international political economy, Chinese business and development and Chinese diaspora. He held various visiting positions at the National University of Singapore, Renmin University in China, University of Oxford and Academic Sinica, Taiwan. He has authored four books and published many articles in leading academic journals. His recent books are China Factors: Political Perspectives and Economic Interactions (New Brunswick, N. J.: Transaction Publishers, 2007) and Intellectual Property Rights in China: Politics of Piracy, Trade and Protection (London: Routledge, 2009).  相似文献   

14.
Shoichi Itoh 《East Asia》2008,25(1):79-98
This article revisits a conventional interpretation of Sino-Japanese energy relations from geopolitical and zero-sum viewpoints. Contemporary Sino-Japanese disputes over the East China Sea and their scramble over a crude-oil pipeline from Russia have drawn global attention to the intensification of the rivalry between the two giant energy consumers. Beijing and Tokyo, however, have gradually found common interests resulting from business opportunities, environmental countermeasures, etc. Russia’s failure in driving a wedge between China and Japan, and the United States’ proactive engagement in Asia-Pacific energy issues, appear to provide new opportunities in which the East Asian powers’ energy rivalry can be reduced.
Shoichi ItohEmail:

Shoichi Itoh   is an Associate Senior Researcher at the Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia (ERINA) in Japan, and specializes in energy security, international relations in the Asia-Pacific and Russian foreign policy. Before assuming his current position, he served as a Political and Economic Attaché at the Consulate-General of Japan in Khabarovsk (2000–2003). He serves as an expert and organizer for various domestic and international projects on global energy security.  相似文献   

15.
Yoo  Chan Yul 《East Asia》2008,25(3):293-316
Today, Northeast Asia’s security situation is changing rapidly. North Korea is reviving and China’s power is growing at an alarming rate. While the U.S. continues to suffer diplomatically and militarily in the Middle East and from international terrorism, China’s and North Korea’s power is likely to futher increase, polarizing the Northeast Asian security structure, with South Korea, Japan (and Taiwan) all allied with the U.S. versus North Korea allied with China. The liberal democracies should pursue peace with North Korea and China to preclude the situation from aggravating, but should be ready in the longer term to meet, in diverse ways including strengthening their alliances, the challenges posed by rising powers.
Chan Yul YooEmail:
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16.
Kung-wing Au 《East Asia》2008,25(3):223-241
Japan and China argued for oil and gas in the East China Sea. The issue flared up in 2003. Between 2004 and 2007 the two sides held 11 rounds of official talks in order to resolve the issue. They sought demarcation of the sea and joint development in the disputed area. The gap between positions remained wide. China claims its continental shelf; Japan proposes a median line. By closely monitoring different rounds of talks, remarks, developments, maneuvers, negotiators and dates, it is possible to construct a broad picture of the issue to measure progress and predict outcomes. It is found that improving relations not only facilitate negotiations but somehow exert pressure for a settlement. The general relationship did affect the pace of talks, which could produce a partial solution.
Kung-wing AuEmail:

Kung-wing Au   holds a Ph.D. degree in Political Science from the City University of New York. He has worked as a journalist for a number of newspapers and taught at Drew University in New Jersey, USA. He is adjunct assistant professor of political science, Fordham College at Lincoln Center. Email: au33@hotmail.com.  相似文献   

17.
Chun-Yi Lee 《East Asia》2008,25(2):145-165
With the increase of cross-Strait economic activity, the interaction between Taiwanese business people and the Chinese government has gradually changed. As Taiwanese investment grew in volume, so did the number and frequency of contacts between the parties; a more institutionalised form regulating these contacts was established as a result. Nowadays Taiwanese businessmen have become an identifiable factor in Chinese governmental policy implementation; the process also has far-reaching implications. This paper argues that Taiwanese capital has become a Chinese governmental security asset and examines the importance of this factor when discussing conventional government/business interaction. This paper concludes that a superior national interest guides the warm welcome given by the Chinese government to Taiwanese businessmen.
Chun-Yi LeeEmail:
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18.
Liao  Janet Xuanli 《East Asia》2008,25(1):57-78
The Sino-Japanese dispute over the East China Sea maritime resources was triggered by the unsettled maritime boundary and the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. The dispute has been ascribed by many to intensified competition between China and Japan over energy supply. However this article attributes the fundamental cause of the conflict to power politics and political distrust, which are deemed to have the key role in preventing the two governments from finding a solution. The article analyses the origin and the causes responsible for the Sino-Japanese dispute over the East China Sea gas exploration, and then proceeds to investigate the diplomatic dialogues to reveal the key obstacles in the process.
Janet Xuanli LiaoEmail:

Dr Janet Xuanli Liao   is Lecturer on International Relations and Energy security Studies, at the Centre for Energy, Petroleum and Mineral Law and Policy (CEPMLP) of the University of Dundee. Her research interests include China’s foreign policy decision-making, energy security and China’s international energy policy analysis, and Sino-Japanese political/energy relations. She also teaches a module for postgraduates on International Relations and Energy and Natural Resources. Dr Liao by training is specialized on international relations and China’s foreign policy decision-making. She co-hosts the CEPMLP’s PhD programme and also teaches a module on International Relations and Energy and Natural Resources.  相似文献   

19.
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Andreas Wei?Email:

Andreas Wei?   geb. 1978. Magister Artium, Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am SFB 640 Repr?sentationen sozialer Ordnungen im Wandel, Teilprojekt A5 Transnationale ?ffentlichkeiten und Repr?sentationen im Vergleich: Europa, arabische Welt, Russland, 1850er–1910er Jahre und 1990er Jahre der Humboldt-Universit?t zu Berlin. Forschungsschwerpunkte: Europa des 19./20. Jahrhunderts, Beziehungsgeschichte zwischen Europa und der au?ereurop?ischen Welt mit Schwerpunkt Asien.  相似文献   

20.
Wang  Willie 《East Asia》2008,25(3):267-292
During the years of 1955–1969, the Xingkaihu labor camp in China’s northeastern borderland of Heilongjiang Province detained large numbers of social undesirables, a considerable portion being charged with political offenses. The authorities used them as forced laborers for land reclamation and other projects in conjunction with “ideological remolding.” This research examines the experiences of intellectual political inmates in Xingkaihu. They suffered physically and psychologically. Their attempts to redeem themselves exacerbated their misfortune and came to define one aspect of the tragedy of intellectuals in Mao’s China. I also outline the development of Xingkaihu, its managerial features, and the camp authority’s alleged efforts to remold the inmates ideologically through combined use of indoctrination, manipulation, intimidation and coercion.
Willie WangEmail:
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