越南边境管理新规定及其影响

继1995年出台《关于加强广宁——芒街经济区建设的决定》之后,今年9月11日,越南总理府又出台了《关于在谅山省部分边境口岸地区试行实施某些政策的决定》(下称决定),这一政策的出台,对广西边境的管理、边贸、建设都将产生一定的影响.一、决定的主要内容(一)开辟谅山省的同登铁路、友谊公路(包括同登镇、高禄县保林乡)、新清口岸(凭祥浦寨国际贸易商城当面,包括文朗县新清乡和新美乡)为优先发展商品、出口、进口、技术合作、旅游和工业等产业的经济开发区.在这一地区(下称经济开发区)内,将重点扶持进出口、加工贸易、转口运输、边境货物运输等业务,建立加工区、保税仓、免税店、商交会、产品介绍部门等.     

与广西接壤的越南边境建设情况

近年来,越南进一步加快边境地区经济社会发展,致力建设长期和平、友谊和稳定的边境。刚刚结束的越共十大把扩大对中国的经贸关系作为今后五年的重点,特别是努力增加对中国的出口。随着中国与越南及其他东盟国家关系的不断发展和经济合作的加强,中越边境经济将迎来一个全新的发展阶段。一、与广西接壤的越南边境建设情况(一)出台优惠政策,推动边境经济发展为发展边境经济,越南政府从中央到地方均出台了一系列优惠政策。如早在1993年,根据越南中央政府的指示,谅山省研究制定并上报了《关于同登—谅山市经济区的发展规划》,获得中央政府的批准…     

越南边境口岸经济政策的实施及其影响

从1996年起，越南政府陆续批准在广宁芒街、谅山、高平、老街等地试点实施口岸经济区优惠政策。在此基础上正式颁行边境口岸经济区政策，加快边境口岸经济发展。2008年越南出台的《关于工业区、出口加工区和经济区规定的决定》对口岸经济区作出了新的规定。2008年越南批准“到2020年越南口岸经济区发展规划”提案。口岸经济的建设和发展对越南边境产生深刻的影响。     

越南欢迎中国企业前往投资和发展贸易

为了加快北部省份边境出口贸易和转口贸易发展，促进越南国民经济的快速增长，越南政府于２００１年６月作出决定：调整对华贸易政策，降低边贸关税及费用，吸引中方的先进技术到越南投资，同时，鼓励越南发达地区的商人到北部边境口岸开办公司。 （一）适当放宽越南２０００年经贸进出口物资政策，允许经商人员在一定范围内自由贸易往来。 （二）鼓励越商将越生产的工业产品、百货类产品在边境口岸大量自由销售，以增加农民经济收入，逐步改善农民的生活条件；地方政府不能乱收取税费，任何部门不得干预和限制。 （三）在边境口岸办理有关…     

印支大事记

今年一月一日至八日侵柬越军在柬泰边境频繁调动,越军巡逻队还经常侵入泰国境内,多次与泰军交火。一月二日宋双发言人重申“救国委员会”为非法组织。一月四日宋双的高棉人民民族解放阵线和西哈努克民族主义军决定成立两派联合军事司令部。同日越南外交部发言人发     

美国与墨西哥边境隔离墙回望

2006年是美国与墨西哥关系史上极不平凡的一年。是年,美国新的移民法案出台,新批准的美墨边境隔离墙开始修建。此举在墨西哥、美国朝野和国际社会引起强烈反响。2008年12月,美国《时代》周刊评选出的2008年度国际十大新闻图片,美墨边境的隔离墙与北京奥运会、四川地震抢险等图片一起醒目地并列其中。     

越南：2005～2006年回眸与前瞻

越南2005年的政治生活中有两件大事:一是为将于2006年召开的越南共产党第十届代表大会做准备;二是对越南20年来的改革开放作总结。其实,在一定的意义上后者也是前者的一部分。一、政治:加强党的建设,深化改革开放(一)越共十届党代会的准备越南共产党是越南的执政党,也是越南当今唯一的政党,1930年2月3日成立于中国香港,现有党员近300万人。越共党代会跟中共一样,也是5年举行一次。越共2001年举行了第九届党代会,会上农德孟接替黎可漂当选为越共总书记。按计划,越共十届党代会将于2006年上半年举行。从2005年中以来,根据越共九届十一、十二中…     

公布禁止边境进出口商品细目

缅甸联邦政府商务部部长办公室于1999年11月26日分别发布了第9号和第10号通令．公布了禁止通过边境进出口商品的细目。     

越南《到2030年文化外交战略》

2011年2月14日,越南曾出台《到2020年的文化外交战略》。时隔10年后,2021年11月30日,越南政府常务副总理范平明签发决定颁行《到2030年文化外交战略》（2013/QD-TTg号决定）,这也是越南政府同年出台的《到2030年文化发展战略》框架下的一项工作任务,充分体现越南重视同步推动政治外交、经济外交和文化外交的政策主张。文章为越南《到2030年文化外交战略》的中文译文。     

关于中越口岸经济合作的建议

本文主要讨论中国广西和越南广宁、谅山、高平3省口岸经济合作问题。广西有8个边境县市与越南的广宁、谅山、高平3个边境省接壤,边界线长637公里。双边沿陆地边境有5个国家一类口岸,它们是东兴—芒街、凭祥—同登、友谊关—友谊、水口—驮隆、龙邦—茶岭;此外,还有7个国家二类口岸和25对边民贸易互市点,沿海有4个边贸码头。中越关系正常化以来,中国鼓励发展边境贸易的政策相继出台,这为广西开展对越边境贸易合作创造了良好的前提条件。近几年来,广西与越南开展边境经济贸易合作取得可喜的成绩。据南宁海关统计资料,2003年广西对东盟进出口总…     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

海陆复合型地缘政治大国的战略选择与崛起成败

国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

China and the WTO: the theory and practice of compliance

Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.     

美洲国家首脑会议与美洲自由贸易区的前景

自1994年至今共举行了4届美洲国家首脑会议,每届会议均与美国所倡议的美洲自由贸易区有密切关系。2005年11月在阿根廷举行的第四届首脑会议上,美洲国家围绕着是否重启美洲自由贸易区谈判问题产生分歧。一些拉美国家对在香港举行的WTO第六次部长级会议的成果不甚满意。美洲自由贸易区的前景不容乐观。     

从斯大林功过看苏联兴亡——评《苏联兴亡史论》

一　对斯大林功过的评价要与时俱进要考察苏联兴亡的历史进程、总结苏联兴亡的历史经验 ,首先就要探究从列宁到戈尔巴乔夫苏联历届党政首脑的理论、路线、体制和实践的演变问题 ,尤其是涉及对斯大林功过的评价问题。因为斯大林执政时间最长 ,而且苏联的社会主义制度主要是在斯大林执政的 3 0年间( 1 92 3～ 1 95 3年 )建成并且得到巩固的 ,随后 3 0多年苏联斯大林模式没有发生什么大变化。如果我们肯定斯大林是“功大于过”,那么就要肯定苏联的社会主义模式基本上是成功的、优秀的 ,尽管难免还有一些弊端 ,那只要经过小修小补就能更加显示优…     

Campaign Advertising and the Stimulation and Activation of the Authoritarian Personality

This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.     

Globalization and the Reform of the International Financial and Monetary Systems

The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style ＂financial capitalism.＂ Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests （such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference）, along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.     

Uneven and combined confusion: on the geopolitical origins of capitalism and the rise of the west

This article offers a critique of Alexander Anievas and Kerem Ni?ancio?lu’s How the West came to rule: the geopolitical origins of capitalism. We argue that while all historiography features a number of silences, shortcomings or omissions, the omissions in How the West came to rule lead to a mistaken view of the emergence of capitalism. There are two main issues to be confronted. First, we argue that Anievas and Ni?ancio?lu have an inadequate and misleading understanding of “capital” and “capitalism” that tilts them towards a theoretical stance that comes very close to arguing that everything caused capitalism while at the same time having no clear and convincing definition of “capital” or “capitalism”. Second, there are at least three omissions—particular to England/Britain within a geopolitical context—that should be discussed in any attempt to explain the development of capitalism: the financial revolution and the Bank of England; the transition to coal energy; and the capitalization of state power as it relates to war, colonialism and slavery. We conclude by calling for a connected-histories approach within the framework of capital as power.     

离岸市场的发展与人民币国际化的推进

人民币国际化自2009年正式启动以来,在跨境贸易结算等领域取得了很大进展,人民币离岸市场的建设也取得了一定成绩,但目前来看并没有充分发挥预期中的功能,这也引发了各界对人民币国际化模式的进一步讨论。原则上,由于我国资本项目尚未完全开放,离岸市场有助于克服人民币自由流动受限这一障碍。历史经验也表明,在一定条件下离岸市场能够有效地推进货币国际化。人民币国际化应当遵循贸易结算、离岸市场、资本输出、跨国企业四者并举的"中国模式",其中未来的离岸市场发展需要相应的条件和配套准备才能真正为人民币国际化提供引擎。