中国政党与国家政治力

国家政治力在综合国力中具有能动性和主导性。政党是国家政治力中的重要力量。我国政党作为国家政治力的核心性要素,具有独特的条件和优势。我国政党功能作用的发挥有利于现阶段我国社会的发展,是国家政治力增强的重要内容和根本保证。     

Bringing the local state back in: the political economy of public health in rural China

Contrary to what most alarmist reports would imply, China has not witnessed a measurable decline in the overall public health status. What explains the continuous improvement in some important domains of public health despite the pertinacious pricing, financing and institutional‐behavioral problems in China's health system change? This study provides a political economy analysis of the role the local Chinese state played in rural public health provision during the reform era. Through comparative case studies, statistical analysis, and formal modeling, the study shows that state capacity is a principal factor setting the parameters for rural public health in China. It also suggests that the post‐Mao reforms, while generating strong disincentives for the provision of public services, unleashed forces that lay down the institutional bases for sustained state engagement in the health sector.     

Introduction: The Basic Law,Governance and Electoral Politics in China's Hong Kong and Macao since 1997

1 July 2007 marks the tenth anniversary of Hong Kong's retrocession to Chinese sovereignty to become a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the PRC. The HKSAR has functioned under the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ framework as enshrined in the Basic Law, its mini-constitution. Upon the resumption of Chinese jurisdiction over Macao on 20 December 1999, a similar ‘One Country, Two Systems’ formula also came into effect for the new MSAR under its Basic Law. The ‘One Country, Two Systems’ formula that guarantees a high degree of autonomy in both Hong Kong and Macao is also a cornerstone of the PRC's strategy toward peaceful reunification with Taiwan. To provide a more balanced and informed understanding of these two Chinese SARs in actualizing the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ model, this special section of four articles adopts a bi-focal approach. On the one hand, it presents in a joint article the views of two leading mainland Chinese legal scholars (Professors Geping Rao and Zhenmin Wang, both National People's Congress Hong Kong Basic Law Committee members) on some vital dimensions of the Basic Law. On the other hand, it offers three articles with a more locally anchored perspective—a comparative analysis (by Professor Sonny Lo) of the contrasting HKSAR and MSAR experiences, and two case studies (by Professors Bruce Kwong and Eilo Yu) that highlight key features of patron–client linkages and informal politics dynamics in HKSAR and MSAR elections and politics.     

The Shequ experiment: grassroots political reform in urban China

Although China's economic reforms have been responsible for generating unprecedented growth, they have also been responsible for rendering the danwei, the foundation of the Chinese political and social system in urban areas, increasingly irrelevant. This has serious implications since danweis have been both the organizational base of the Communist Party and the vehicle through which social services were provided. Belatedly, the government has responded to this dilemma by experimenting with social organizations at the grassroots level in urban areas. One of the most significant experiments is the development of shequs. In the latter half of the 1990s, shequs were given more autonomy and responsibilities. Some of the more advanced shequs began to experiment with elections and social welfare functions previously provided by the government. The experiment, however, is still in an initial phase and shequs have not yet had a significant impact on the polity. Nonetheless, the Party and government have placed much importance on the shequ experiment. Their success will thus allow us some insight into the process of political development in urban China.     

The cultural revolution and modernity: The contradictory political implications of postmodernism in China

In order to understand the modern‐postmodern controversy in China, it is important to understand the contradictory political implications of postmodernism in that special context. Emerging in China as a post‐Cultural Revolution discourse, postmodernism has elicited both anticipation and distrust. The former comes from the promise of being liberated from the dogmas of modernity; the latter from concern about postmodern disregard of different orientations of modernity, especially conflicting totalitarian and democratic modes of modernity. While attacking modernity in general, Chinese postmodernism has so far failed to address the particular mode of modernity crystallized in the violence and brutality of the Cultural Revolution and the Tiananmen massacre. To undermine the modernist notions of universality, subject and grand narratives without acknowledging and accenting the oppressive deeds done under the aegis of these notions is to practice a politically conservative postmodernism which endorses the existing order while pretending to be theoretically radical and avant‐garde.     

当代中国政治发展原动力的系统分析

政治发展是社会发展的重要组成部分。政治发展的动力只能从社会大系统中去探寻,而不能预先人为地界定一个“政治系统”以分析其动力。社会基本矛盾运动是政治发展的原动力,人的需要和利益、人民群众是社会基本矛盾运动派生出来的动力系统。而人民群众在社会基本矛盾中的首要地位,则决定了自身在政治发展中所起的主导作用。     

One Formula,Two Experiences: political divergence of Hong Kong and Macao since retrocession

Since the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty to the People's Republic of China, the territory's political development has diverged from that of Macao. The poverty of leadership, state–society confrontations, deinstitutionalization and Beijing's explicit intervention have marked Hong Kong's political development from 1997 to 2004. Since April 2004, the Hong Kong governing style has converged with that of Macao in terms of its pragmatism. Although Macao's political development is characterized by leadership finesse, state–society partnership and institutionalization, its relatively weak civil society and lack of democratic reforms are by no means an attractive ‘one country, two systems’ model to Taiwan; nor does Hong Kong's ‘one country, two systems’ appeal to the Republic of China. Yet, the political corruption and chaos that punctuate Taiwan's democracy have failed to have any positive demonstration effect on Hong Kong and Macao. While the models of Hong Kong and Macao are bound to diverge from that of Taiwan, political development in the two Chinese Special Administrative Regions is gradually converging.     

我国地方政府绩效的区域差异及其政治影响分析

改革开放以来,我国东中西部各地方政府的行政绩效呈现出区域非均衡发展的特点。东中西部地区间的基建和改建状况、地区间的就业状况、地方政府的管理成本,作为评估地方政府行政绩效的三项指标,表现出非均衡发展的特点。其政治影响,也有正面和负面两个方面。     

新中国政党制度的建构与嵌入

新中国的政党制度在国家现代化和现代国家建设中形成,并为国家现代化和现代国家建设提供了重要的政治资源和政治保障。中国共产党领导的协商建国催生了中国的政党制度,也铸造了中国一体多元的民主共和。新中国成立之后,由于我们党对社会主义缺乏理论和实践的准备,再加上在现代化和现代国家建设上的意见分歧导致了政党的一元化领导,政党制度遭到扭曲,并在“文化大革命”中达到了顶峰。改革开放之后,政党制度在新一轮现代化中得到恢复和发展,逐步嵌入政治体系,并在逐步嵌入公共政策领域制定过程中催生了中国的协商民主。     

十六大以来党中央对思想政治工作的理论贡献

党的十六大以来,以胡锦涛为总书记的党中央领导集体,在新时期思想政治工作的地位和作用、目标和任务、主要内容、原则方法以及学科建设等方面提出了一些新的理论论断,从不同方面丰富和发展了党的思想政治工作基本理论.     

改革开放以来中国社会学理论的重建与发展

从20世纪70年代末中国社会学恢复重建至今,30年的中国社会学理论研究大致可分两个阶段:第一阶段从恢复重建约至上世纪末,第二阶段约从本世纪以来至今.划分的依据并不在于时间,主要在于社会学理论研究内涵和形式的重要变化.回顾也许能获得一种认识:中国社会学的重大领域、主要分支领域、应用研究或专题论域,往往能够看到理论研究的前导和推动作用.回顾也使我们进一步了解中国社会学理论的成长史、现有不足和偏差,以及特点、品质和未来趋势.     

红色记忆:中共中央在武汉

中共中央在武汉是中国共产党探索中国革命道路艰难历程的重要阶段,在我党历史上写下了光辉篇章。中共中央在武汉时的工作任务,一是开展国共合作与斗争,二是领导和推动以工农群众为主体的革命运动和反帝斗争走向高潮。记住中共领导人及中共中央在武汉的历史,可以让我们追溯武汉作为“英雄城市”“英雄人民”的历史渊源,并将这一宝贵历史文化资源作为推动武汉发展的精神财富。     

当代中国政治伦理的基本价值

当代中国政治伦理价值必须合乎人类普遍正义、承续道德的传统、适应社会的发展、符合人类的进步。其内容主要表现为:立党为公、执政为民;党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的统一;凸现执政和协调统筹;勤政高效和廉政清明;等等。     

互联网与中国民主政治发展：机遇与挑战

互联网对中国民主政治发展构成了一种双重影响。一方面,互联网的应用使民众政治参与需求得到释放,社会主义权力监督得到加强,行政效能的提高和民主化再造成为可能,公民社会也因为互联网的使用而变得强大。另一方面,互联网的使用也可能造成意识形态主导地位受到削弱,境外分离势力不法利用互联网危害国家统一和政治稳定,以互联网为媒介的网络群体性事件对社会稳定构成了一定的负面影响,过激的网络民主主义也会对国家外交活动形成一定的不当干扰。     

促进中西部经济发展的税制研究

虽然现行税制对中西部经济发展起到了一定的促进作用,但是还存在许多不利的因素。主要是:分税收入减少,削弱了中西部财力;税种设计欠妥,制约了中西部开发;税式支出偏东,中西部受益不多;地税体系不全,有碍中西部建设;税收结构不尽合理,不利于中西部经济增长。应该通过合理划分收入,科学设计税种,调整税式支出,健全地税体系,优化税收结构等手段,加速中西部发展。     

The political economy of banking reforms in China, 1993–1997

The weakness of China's banking system poses a serious threat to the sustainability of the country's economic development. This article measures the extent of this weakness and analyzes its causes. It focuses especially on the structural changes in the banking sector, the economic crisis of 1992–1993, and the subsequent financial reforms implemented. The evidence gathered by the author shows that the banking reforms initiated since 1994 have produced mixed results. Although central bank autonomy and bank supervision have improved, political, economic, and institutional constraints have prevented the government from taking more decisive measures to re‐capitalize banks, restructure the debt of state‐owned enterprises, and increase competition in the banking sector quickly. Despite the apparent effectiveness of the short‐term measures taken to bolster public confidence in the banking system, China's banking reform will be a difficult and prolonged process.     

The Cultural Politics of Curricular Reform in China: a case study of geographical education in Shanghai

This article will examine the development and implementation of the new geography curriculum in secondary schools in Shanghai. Analysis of the processes and mechanisms which underlie curricular change in China reveals how embedded bureaucratic, social and cultural norms have profoundly influenced the degree to which reforms to the geography curriculum have achieved the desired results. The analysis begins with a detailed examination of the wider institutional hierarchies which initiated and managed curricular reforms in Shanghai. Interviews with teachers and extensive classroom observations, and a review of the new curriculum and geography textbooks are utilised to evaluate the practical outcomes of curricular change in Shanghai. The findings reveal a deep dichotomy between the intended goals of curricular reform, the processes of curriculum development and implementation, and an examination system which compels teachers to cling to traditional teaching methods of lecturing and rote learning. These findings are discussed in the context of the established educational hierarchies, the cultural politics of curricular reforms in Shanghai and the nature of geography teaching in China. A more balanced approach which addresses the provision of adequate resources and professional development for teachers, and which recognises the need for a fundamental restructuring of the examination system, is suggested.     

The Politics of Compliance with Adverse WTO Dispute Settlement Rulings in China

Starting from 2004, China's trading partners, in particular the United States, have increasingly utilized the World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute settlement system (DSS) to challenge China's trade-related measures. As a major player in world trade, how China responds to adverse rulings is not only important to its trading partners, but also for the future of the international trade regime. China has thus far held a relatively good compliance record when facing adverse panel and/or Appellate Body rulings, except for the recent delay in full compliance in China—Publications and Audiovisual Products. Through examining the factors affecting China's decision making when targeted in a WTO dispute, this article finds that, in general, China is highly motivated to comply with the WTO DSS due to the reputational costs of noncompliance. Nevertheless, the recent delay in compliance in China—Publications and Audiovisual Products also demonstrates that successful implementation could be impeded by certain politically influential interest groups, especially when the measure at dispute is politically sensitive.     

负所得税：我国最低生活保障制度改革的方向

尽管经济学家对负所得税有种种反对意见,其在我国的具体实施也面临一些难题,但是在处理公平与效率、调动低收入者的积极性方面负所得税仍不失为一种较好的解决之道。我国政府应尽快实施负所得税政策来充实我国的最低生活保障制度。     

Domestic Openness in post-WTO China: central and local perspectives

This article seeks answers to three basic questions about the WTO's impact on domestic openness in China: is China a more open society as a result of its WTO membership; in what way has the WTO affected reform and openness; and, is WTO membership leading to political liberalization or translating into a demand for democracy as democracy advocates predicted? To this end, it identifies and analyzes the WTO-related reforms at central and local levels which have had the strongest impact thus far on openness to Chinese citizens. The analysis focuses on the reduction of the Party-state's control of economic activity as manifested in decreasing state monopoly and bureaucratic intervention in the sphere of economic activity, improved legal regulation, and increasing transparency of trade-related rules and rule-making. It argues that the varied depth and scope of the WTO's impact are attributable to differences in the congruence between the WTO principles and China's domestic political logic and the varying levels of effectiveness of external and internal pressure for change.