The State of U.S. Federalism, 1999-2000

Federalism has rarely been a key national campaign issue, andthe presidential campaign of 2000 was no exception. Althoughthe candidates talked of a key state-local issue—education—itwas in the context of the popular concern over the quality ofschools, rather than federalism issues of governmental responsibilityfor education. However, one aspect of federalism was evidentin the presidential campaign. The first president of the newmillennium may get a chance to name at least one U.S. SupremeCourt justice. Given the slim 5–4 majorities on most federalismcases, the appointment or appointments could be pivotal. Meanwhile,in the Congress and state Capitols, technology and globalizationissues forced a rethinking of traditional intergovernmentalfiscal and regulatory functions.     

Dimensions of Federalism In U.S. Senate Voting, 1981-1982

The concept of federalism is important in political science;yet it has proven difficult to clarify and to use in empiricalanalyses of American political institutions. This analysis demonstratesthat the congressional federalism scores reported in Publiusare not unidimensional and that a better measure of federalismcan result in improved explanatory power of empirical analysisof the determinants of congressional attitudes toward federalism.A procedure for constructing a better measure of federalismis suggested.     

The distribution of annual and long-run U.S. earnings, 1981-2004

Numerous authors have presented evidence of increased dispersion in the distribution of annual earnings in the United States from the late 1970s through 2004 or later. However, the dispersion of long-run earnings measured over many years has received relatively little attention because of the limited availability of appropriate data. This article uses the Social Security Administration's Continuous Work History Sample, which documents the earnings histories of 3.3 million workers, to examine changes in both the annual and the long-run distributions of earnings during 1981-2004 for men and women. For men, the results indicate an increase in long-run earnings inequality of roughly the same magnitude as the trend seen in annual earnings dispersion, but there has been very little increase in the dispersion of long-run earnings among women. If calculations are restricted to a sample of women who work every year of the observation period, a trend of increased earnings dispersion emerges, but much less so than that observed for men.     

The 2000 E-Campaign for U.S. Senate

Abstract

The 2000 election saw another increase in the number of Web sites produced by candidates for the U.S. Senate, to over 90% for the major party candidates and nearly 60% for third-party candidates. A content analysis of these campaign Web sites finds an increase in design elements that advance campaign purposes, such as online and credit card contributions. At the same time, few features or services were directed to the mass electorate. The absence of voter registration information and privacy policies from the large majority of Web sites is particularly striking. Sites often lacked basic navigation tools, making it difficult to find desired information. They also took little advantage of the interactivity that makes Web sites such a powerful communication and marketing tool. Third-party candidate Web sites lagged behind those of Democrats and Republicans in most respects, with the notable exceptions of mentioning their party names and the candidates at the tops of their tickets. The study concludes that campaign Web sites have not leveled the playing field for third parties, nor become a vehicle for increasing voter education and activation of the mass electorate. Neither are these Web sites employing a relationship     

The State of U.S. Federalism, 2000-2001: Continuity in Crisis

Despite the 2000 presidential-election crisis, basic continuityprevailed in American federalism, including survival of theelectoral college and furtherance of the more recent shift offederal policymaking from places to persons during today's eraof coercive or regulatory federalism. The year revealed theenduring salience of political parties and the prominent roleof interest groups in the politics of federalism, as well asthe ways in which the federal system shapes, and is shaped by,policy debates. The U.S. Supreme Court continued its state-friendlydecision-making while Congress continued to preempt state authority,attach new conditions to federal aid, federalize criminal law,and nationalize power even while giving state and local governmentsmore administrative discretion. The year also illustrated thedeclining impact of federal aid on state-local revenues comparedto the increasing fiscal impact of the federal government'ssubstantive, monetary, and fiscal policies.     

The International Economic Interests of U.S. States

During the 1970s, global interdependence penetrated deeply intothe U.S. economy, drawing state governments into novel internationaltrade and investment activities. State promotional programssought to capture revenue and job creation benefits from exportexpansion and foreign investment inflows, while other stateactions attempted to minimize costly local disruptions associatedwith import competition and foreign control of resources. Asforeign and domestic economic factors intertwined, nationaljurisdiction in matters of foreign affairs increasingly overlappedtraditional state government prerogatives concerning economicdevelopment and citizen welfare. State governments began directlobbying on international issues, leading to both complementaryand conflictual national-state positions. As the United Statesadjusts to an interdependent global economy, a new internationaldimension will be added to federal relationships. National andstate officials must fashion creative new instruments to accommodatediverse domestic political and economic needs while still exertingpositive leadership in international economic forums.     

Political Marketing Research in the 2000 U.S. Election

Abstract

It is not news that polls and other forms of marketing research are regularly employed to craft political strategy. What is new is that the 2000 U.S. election represented a turning point where political marketing research seems to take center stage. The print and broadcast media employed polls and other forms of research at levels far beyond anything ever seen before. At times, it appeared as if almost as much attention was being given to polls as was being given to the political candidates and the issues. This was clearly a new and important posturing of the role of political marketing research. With this as a backdrop, the current article compares polls and other forms of political research-focusing on what went wrong and what was right in terms of the use of polls, focus groups and Internet research during the 2000 U.S. election. The article ends with the presentation of some exploratory research that examines insights about respondents' opinions regarding the impact of political polls.     

Group Components of U.S. Presidential Voting Across the States

Examinations of the sociodemographic group foundations of presidential voting and electoral coalitions rely on national samples (e.g., the American National Election Studies). However, recent developments in the state party and electoral change literature suggest variation across the United States in the group bases of political coalitions and in the process of electoral adjustment. Moreover, the strategic implications of the electoral college suggest a focus on state electorates. We estimate multivariate, group-based logit models of presidential vote choice using 1988 CBS/ New York Times and 1992 Voter Research and Surveys exit poll data from each of the largest states. Our results reveal noteworthy variation in the nature of group influences on presidential voting, in the composition of presidential electoral coalitions, and in cleavage structures across the states. This mapping exercise suggests limitations in theoretical and empirical accounts of presidential voting, political cleavage, and electoral change that do not accommodate the geopolitical diversity of the United States.     

Measuring Financial Condition: A Study of U.S. States

This study tests a measure of financial condition using government‐wide information as required under the new financial reporting model set forth in GASB Statement No. 34. The measure consists of four financial condition dimensions in cash, budget, long‐run and service‐level solvencies, and 11 financial condition indicators. Results show that the measure is relatively reliable and valid and that government‐wide information reported under the requirements of GASB Statement No. 34 provides a useful reporting framework to evaluate financial condition of a government. Additionally, financial condition among states varies greatly and there is much room for improvement.     

Primacy Implementation of Environmental Policy in the U.S. States

Environmental regulation is frequently implemented through asystem that allows states to choose whether to assume primaryauthority, or "primacy," for implementation and enforcement.This study looks at what causes states to assume this authorityin two important areas of environmental policy: air and waterpollution. It finds that in each policy area, primacy assumptionis unrelated to the "greenness" of state environmental policygenerally and negatively related to indicators of policy innovationwithin that area. Rather than being driven by commitment tothe environment, primacy assumption appears to be driven predominatelyby other factors, which differ substantially across the airand water policy arenas. These findings call into question thewidely held view that primacy assumption is an indicator ofstate environmentalism and indicate that a more nuanced viewof what causes states to assume primacy is necessary to fullyunderstand the dynamics of intergovernmental policy implementation.     

Revisiting Adjusted ADA Scores for the U.S. Congress, 1947-2007

Philip Habel Department of Political Science, Southern Illinois University Carbondale, Mailcode 4501, Carbondale, IL 62901 This paper replicates and extends Groseclose, Levitt, and Snyder,"Comparing Interest Group Scores Across Time and Chambers: AdjustedADA Scores for the U.S. Congress," which appeared in the AmericanPolitical Science Review (1999/93:33–50). We replicatethe most recent unpublished extension by Dr. Groseclose andresearch assistants for years 1947–1999, and then we extendthe analysis to include years 2000 through 2007. We make availableinflation-adjusted ADA scores from 1947 through 2007, allowingscholars to incorporate the most recent interest group scoresinto their analyses. Author's Note: Authors are listed alphabetically. The authorswish to thank Tim Groseclose for making available both the nominalADA scores from 1947 to 1999 and the Matlab program files usedin this analysis. SA gratefully acknowledges the support ofthe Hoover Institution during her time there as the 2006–07W. Glenn Campbell and Rita Ricardo-Campbell National Fellowand the Robert Eckles Swain National Fellow. PH wishes to thankboth the Dirksen Congressional Center and the National ScienceFoundation, doctoral dissertation improvement division grant493469, for their generous support. He also wishes to acknowledgethe valuable research assistance of James Lewis, Joshua Mitchell,and Matt Bergbower. Special thanks to J. Tobin Grant, ScottMcClurg, and Wendy Tam Cho for their helpful feedback and assistance.All errors are the responsibility of the authors. Replicationmaterials and programs are available on the Political AnalysisWeb site.     

Fiscal Capacity, Fiscal Need, and Fiscal Comfort among U.S. States: New Evidence

During its lifetime, the U.S. Advisory Commission on IntergovernmentalRelations periodically published estimates of each state's relativefiscal capacity. This research note provides new estimates updatedto fiscal year 1994, the latest year for which all requisiteunderlying data are available. We find that dispersion in capacitynarrowed from 1987 to 1994, largely because the capacities ofCalifornia and the Northeast states, historically enjoying amplecapacity, fell relative to the national average. We also findthat these states generally experienced an increase in relativefiscal need, further narrowing interstate dispersion in fiscalcomfort (capacity relative to need). We conclude with evidencesuggesting that states with low fiscal comfort generally preferrelatively low levels of state and local public services.     

Healthtown, U.S.A

The landscape of health care is about to change. Under the Clinton proposal every American will choose one of three basic kinds of health plan--HMO, fee-for-service or a combination. The big questions are how much you will pay and how you will choose your doctors. Lost already? Here's a tour of Healthtown, U.S.A.     

Variation in Elderly Friendliness across the U.S. States: Operationalization, Rankings, and Selected Consequences

The United States faces a rapidly growing population of elderlycitizens. To learn more about their prospects, we engage inthree tasks. First, we develop and operationalize a five-dimensionalconcept, "state elderly friendliness," that facilitates assessingvarious political, economic, and social aspects of state environmentsthat influence the well-being of elderly persons. Second, werank states on the five dimensions of this concept. We findlarge differences both within states across various dimensionsand across states on individual dimensions. Third, we demonstratethat differences in states' ranks on our dimensional scalesare associated with sharp variations in particular societaloutcomes of importance for the well-being of various segmentsof the elderly.     

Purchasing power of U.S. Social Security benefits abroad, 1970-82

This article examines whether the small number of Social Security beneficiaries living abroad enjoy a higher standard of living than they would with the same benefits if they lived in the United States. The article addresses this question using two methods. First, absolute comparisons of U.S. dollar purchasing power abroad are made using "purchasing power parities," a method recently developed to allow international comparisons of real standards of living. Second, the effects of changes in Social Security benefit levels, exchange rates, and rates of inflation on the relative value of benefits abroad are measured. Both methods show considerable instability in purchasing power of Social Security benefits in the 1970's. Although beneficiaries in 1970 generally could live better abroad than in the United States, this advantage eroded considerably during the 1970's, followed by some improvement in 1981-82.     

Permitting States to Rescind Ratifications of Pending Amendments to the U.S. Constitution

Among the troublesome questions still surrounding the U.S. constitutionalamending process is whether states should be allowed to rescindratifications of pending amendments. The Constitution is silentabout this issue. Arguments from fairness and contemporary consensus,and concerns about hasty changes, support the acceptance ofrescissions. Arguments for finality, the desirability of encouragingstate legislatures to make serious decisions, and the difficultyof the current process suggest that rescissions should not bepermitted, but these concerns are not as weighty as they mightappear at first. A law accepting or rejecting all rescissionsis preferable to a system where Congress makes partisan judgmentsin individual cases.     

Avoidance or Engagement? Issue Convergence in U.S. Presidential Campaigns, 1960–2000

A widely noted and oft-decried characteristic of campaigns in the United States is the tendency of the competing sides to talk past each other—to avoid engaging with one another on the same issues. We bring a massive database on statements by the major-party presidential candidates and other campaign spokespersons in the 1960 through 2000 elections to bear on the question of issue convergence. Far from the exception, a high degree of similarity in the issue emphases of the two sides appears to have been the norm in these campaigns. This result suggests the need to rethink some influential empirical, formal, and normative perspectives on campaigns.     

Wealth, Power, and Attorney Regulation in the U.S. States: License Entry and Maintenance Requirements

This study examines the effect of economic power on state regulationof attorneys. Following the economic theory of regulation, theeffect of various attorney wealth and power measures is analyzedin an attempt to explain the variance in attorney regulationthroughout the 50 states. Using OLS regression, attorney wealthand power are found to be positively related to more regulationregarding entry barriers, but power and wealth lead to lessstate-sponsored regulation when such regulation has a negativeeconomic effect on licensed attorneys.