Russian Energy and the Korean Peninsula

The recent agreements concerning North Korea’s nuclear program raise possibilities for providing North Korea with energy (oil and gas) to compensate for the termination of its nuclear program and of integrating it more broadly into the Northeast Asian economy. Russia has long wanted to play the role of provider of oil and gas to North Korea and these agreements open up new opportunities for it to do so. However, serious obstacles in the nature of North Korea’s precarious economic situation and its consequences, international rivalries in Northeast Asia, and Russia’s own energy policies present serious obstacles to the realization of Russia’s ambitions as regards North Korea and as energy provider to Northeast Asia as a whole.     

Statement on peace and reunification of the Korean Peninsula

Abstract

We who have been praying and working for peace and the reunification of Korea would like to express our deep concerns about the rising tensions surrounding the north Korean nuclear controversy and the potentially imminent war on the Korean peninsula. We still remember vividly the nightmare of the Korean War beginning 25 June 1950, and we have endured tremendously painful experiences for the last half century because of the division of our country. We would like to express our positions to the governments of the Republic of Korea (ROK), the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), the United States, and to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), as we firmly believe that the shortest route to reunification is through the reconciliation and solidarity of the Korean people:     

Cyberwarfare in the Korean Peninsula: Asymmetries and Strategic Responses

In this paper, we argue that the two Koreas’ intentions and actions on the cyber front point toward the possibility that they have engaged in cyber warfare against each other. From South Korea’s standpoint, a key concern has been North Korea’s advanced cyber warfare capabilities and alleged involvement of its substantial workforce in the Internet’s dark side activities. These issues need to be looked at the backdrop of the North’s nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities. This paper draws principally upon theories and concepts from military strategy and warfare to examine the contexts, mechanisms, and processes associated with the cyber warfare in the Korean peninsula. We also compare the two Koreas in terms of various forms of asymmetries in cyber warfare and cyber attacks. Also highlighted in the paper are South Korea’s recent initiatives and actions to enhance cyber-offense and cyber-defense capabilities.     

Economic Interdependence and Security on the Korean Peninsula: The Impact of North Korean Special Economic Zones

Abstract

Given North Korea’s desire to maintain nuclear weapons—and barring its unexpected collapse—how can the US and its allies establish and maintain a peaceful Northeast Asia? Current US policy alternatives do not offer an effective means for removing North Korean nuclear weapons without creating many more serious problems that jeopardize a stable future for Northeast Asia. However, by engaging in foreign direct investment (FDI) through North Korea’s special economic zones, the United States and other nations can engage North Koreans at all levels of society and build a future environment of cooperation and stability. Such a long-term engagement policy will prove more successful than isolation, sanctions, or military force, and will bolster regional actors’ efforts to develop additional stability-inducing policies.     

Nuclear-free Korean Peninsula: Visit of the MV Green peace Spotlights South Korean Nukes

Abstract

The problem of plutonium proliferation in Northeast Asia has received a great deal of international attention in the past few years, in the first instance over Japan's plutonium program, and most recently about the suspected production of plutonium in the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK). Both countries' nuclear programs have touched off regional and global fears of a de facto nuclear arms race.     

东亚视域下的大谷光瑞与朝鲜半岛

大谷光瑞是日本近代佛教家、探险家,以组织亚洲内陆探险为世人所熟知.大谷光瑞的朝鲜半岛之行及其与朝鲜半岛的关系,可以分为几个方面.其一,分别在甲午战争和日俄战争时期派出从军布教使协力战争,呼应了日本政府的对朝扩张.其二,从1914年放浪之旅开始,数次前往朝鲜半岛,并在30年代提出亚洲殖民规划.其三,价值重大的大谷文物在东亚地区的流转,给中国文化财产造成了无可弥补的损失,在某种程度上也间接为新时代东亚共同研究提供了基础.     

烟草在古代朝鲜半岛的传播和影响

据朝鲜半岛古代文人的大量诗文记载,大约1614年,烟草由日本传入朝鲜半岛,并迅速传播开来,进而又输入中国东北地区。朝鲜的烟草种植面积广、管理精细,烟叶品质高,深受欢迎。吸烟已成为朝鲜人生活的重要内容,烟草对朝鲜经济、文化的影响也很大。另外,朝鲜人也对烟草的弊端进行了批判。烟草在古代朝鲜半岛的广泛传播和重要影响,是东亚农史不可或缺的一部分,是世界烟草传播历史的重要一环,同时也是朝鲜汉文学的重要主题和内容之一。     

中美关系变化与韩半岛

中美实力对比发生变化的同时,中美政府针对彼此的政策随之调整,这不可避免地对东亚和东北亚秩序造成影响。在这种形势下,韩半岛所受到的冲击也逐渐增大。近期,韩半岛局势存在着紧张和不安定的因素,而中美关系对韩半岛局势的影响也愈加明显。笔者从两国关系中合作和矛盾并存的观点出发,以21世纪的前十年中国的胡锦涛政府时期和美国的（小）布什政府、奥巴马政府时期为主要研究区间,回顾整理中美关系的变化和持续推移的趋势。本文通过分析中美关系变化对韩半岛产生的影响,提出为了维持东北亚地区和韩半岛的和平稳定,有必要开拓一条双边间及多边间的紧密的协商渠道,在维持六方会谈框架的同时,寻求一个具体施行方案体制的可能性。     

The Asian situation and Japan’s response: With an emphasis on the Korean Peninsula

Mr. Kuranari is a former minister of foreign affairs of Japan. This paper was originally presented at a conference on “Problems of Peace, Security, and Economic Cooperation in the Asian and Pacific Region,” cosponsored by the Institute for Sino-Soviet Studies of George Washington University and Yomiuri Shimbun of Tokyo, Japan, May 19–21, 1988, in Washington, D.C.     

Strategic Japan-South Korea Cooperation: Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro and Korean Peninsula Diplomacy

The Nakasone administration placed a high priority on relations with South Korea in diplomatic efforts for stability and peace in Northeast Asia. He was the first Japanese Prime Minister to make an official visit, displaying a powerful leadership style in regard to Japan-South Korea relations that led to success in establishing a relationship of strategic cooperation between the two countries.     

Au Retour a Gramsci: Reflections on Civil Society,Political Society and the State in South Asia

Abstract

This article critically analyses Partha Chatterjee’s recent concepts of civil society and political society, showing that their binary character is derived from a culturalist conflation of capitalism with modernity. In turn, modernity becomes equated with a naturalised liberal democratic state, precluding any appreciation of how resistance can and does shape the character of the state. Second, it compares Chatterjee’s categories of civil and political society to those of Gramsci, arguing that a return to classical Gramscian categories, along with an appreciation of the impact of colonialism on state forms, can provide studies of resistance with a richer and more elegant understanding of social change from below in contemporary India.     

试论韩国朴槿惠政府的外交政策趋向与朝鲜半岛局势

韩国朴槿惠政府将在李明博政府实用主义外交的基础上,进一步调整韩国的外交政策,以韩关战略同盟关系为核心、进一步加强和充实中韩战略合作伙伴关系的内涵,并在推动朝鲜半岛和平进程方面,努力构建朝鲜半岛的南北信任程序,以改善朝鲜半岛南北关系。为解决朝鲜核问题等,朴槿惠政府还将强化韩美中三国在朝鲜半岛的战略合作,以进一步发挥韩国在中关两国和东北亚外交安保领域中的战略协调作用。朴槿惠政府时代,朝鲜半岛局势的发展,将取决于三大变量的博弈,即关朝关系、朝鲜半岛南北关系和中朝关系的变化。随着中关韩朝等半岛周边国家外交安保政策的调整,朝鲜半岛最终将走上和解与和平、合作的战略轨道。     

中美关系的变化和朝鲜半岛的和平

中美关系将会全面寻求合作与竞争,但是基于中国的崛起和＂美国霸权＂的衰落,＂合作中冲突＂的局面可能会逐渐形成。通过加强联合与强调多边合作,中美两国在东北亚地区采取的下注战略都向着防止任何一方统治该区域的情况发生转型。除了中美关系的冲突或合作趋势之外,朝鲜半岛也存在卷入＂他者化＂或＂国际化＂的可能性。本文建议无论是韩美联盟还是中韩合作都应遵循独立适用原则,且我们应当探索战略性的普遍原则。     

俄罗斯朝鲜半岛外交的实践、特点与前景分析

俄罗斯在2010年朝鲜半岛两次危机中的外交实践表明,它希望在朝鲜半岛问题上扮演不偏不倚的调解人角色,以获取更大的发言权,达到维护并提高其在东北亚地区的国际地位,为远东地区安全和经济开发创造条件的目标.俄罗斯朝鲜半岛外交的特点在于:以维护南北平衡关系为主要原则；与中国、美国对朝鲜半岛的影响力相比,俄罗斯的作用较小；六方会谈的中断不利于俄罗斯的朝鲜半岛外交；随着战略重心东移,俄罗斯将加强对朝鲜半岛的外交.由于朝鲜半岛地理位置较远,对俄罗斯的战略价值也不是很突出,加上其他国家的限制以及俄罗斯对朝韩两国的影响力有限,俄罗斯在朝鲜半岛问题上很难改变目前边缘化参与者的地位.     

今日俄罗斯哲学与俄罗斯的社会变革

热爱哲学思维是俄罗斯民族的特点之一,俄罗斯哲学也有着辉煌的历史。但是,20世纪90年代以来,急剧的社会变革使俄罗斯哲学处于十分尴尬的境地,当前俄罗斯哲学正处于适应这种变革的全面转型过程。     

韩国现代化进程中市民社会的发展

本文试图将韩国市民社会的发展放在韩国政府主导的压缩式现代化过程中来分析,由此来思考韩国市民社会异化的重要因素,并强调要在个人连续的行动过程中看待由于人们实践意识的连续性而出现的社会现象."民族意识"、"国家权威意识"、"恨意识"都是韩国民众在长期日常生活与政治生活中内化到头脑里的实践意识,是在韩国快速工业化过程中重新建构、强化的产物,成为了韩国的"自性".同时人们在行动中受这些实践意识的影响,主观建构着社会结构.但是在国家现代化过程中不健全的制度环境下,这些行动意识会使人们的行动出现偏差和异化.     

回顾与展望:中韩建交以来国内的朝鲜半岛基督教史研究

自1992年中韩建交以来,国内关于朝鲜半岛基督教史的研究取到了丰硕成果。主要体现在:基督教正式传入朝鲜半岛前的研究、在朝鲜半岛传播历史的研究、教案研究、基督教与朝鲜半岛近代化的研究、基督教与朝鲜半岛政治的研究以及基督教史的比较研究等。中韩建交以来朝鲜半岛基督教史研究的兴盛,得益于两国政治关系的改善、经济合作的增强和两国文化自古以来的密切联系。