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The case of the death by arsenic poisoning of a 62-year-old white man is presented. One year prior to death, he developed intermittent bouts of severe gastroenteritis with vomiting and diarrhea, hyperpigmentation and keratosis of the skin, neutropenia, and Guillain-Barré-like neuropathy for which he was hospitalized several times. Urine test results 6 months prior to death indicating 36 mg/L arsenic were believed to be in error. At the patient's last admission, he appeared in the emergency room with severe gastroenteritis, hypotension, and dehydration. He died 3 days later. Antemortem as well as autopsy specimens revealed elevated arsenic concentrations. Arsenic micrograms/g analysis by neutron activation of hair pulled from the man's head revealed by centimeter segmental analysis proximal to distal: 226, 104, 28, 56, 41, 40, and 74. The wife of the decedent was charged with murder by arsenic poisoning of this, her fifth, husband. The defense alleged that the decedent had committed suicide. The judge awarded a directed verdict of "not guilty." Particulars of the medical, toxicological, and investigative findings are presented.  相似文献   

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Unless the Armenian Apostolic Church starts necessary reforms in all spheres of Church life, within a few years it will run into big difficulties.  相似文献   

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The aim of legislative drafting is to express the instructing client’s meaning. Legislative drafters are often lawyers with a significant impact on the interpretation and the implementation of the law. This article takes a different perspective and attempts to prove that legislative drafters do not necessarily have to be lawyers. The arguments of this hypothesis are important in establishing that legislative drafting is a specialised skill with general principles and conventions that can be acquired by training and practice. The conclusion would be to prove the hypothesis that legislative drafting could also be undertaken by non-lawyers.  相似文献   

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This article addresses the potential role of business leadership in diverse efforts to reform health care financing: exploring managers efforts to alter health care markets in their role as large purchasers of health insurance, their potential contributions to future national policy proposals, and their involvement with community-level activities to control local health costs and quality. I argue that managers' leadership in market restructuring and community health initiatives will be difficult to reproduce in the realm of major national health policy initiatives due to constraints related to ideas, interests, and organization.  相似文献   

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Air guns and blank guns may appear relatively harmless at first glance, but they are, in fact, potentially destructive, even lethal, weapons. Approximately 2 to 2.5 million nonpowder firearms are sold annually, and again approximately 12.9 per 100,000 population are treated for such injuries in hospital emergency departments each year in the United States. Unfortunately, these guns are considered to be a toy for children. Therefore, incidents of air gun injuries are gradually increasing. Although such injuries may initially be considered trivial, it may signify severe internal tissue pathologies. These apparently trivial injuries may have catastrophic consequences if unnoticed. In this study, we report 4 cases with head injury due to a shot by these guns. The cases indicate that these people had used the guns belonging to their parents for the purpose of suicide. The cases also show that these machines are not innocent.  相似文献   

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Paul Warwick ( 2016 ) argues that much of the research on ideological congruence leaves the erroneous impression that a close match of median left‐right voter opinions and government ideological positions usually emerges from elections. I propose further clarifications. I offer a “natural metric” based on the average distances from the median voter of the most distant and the closest parties competing in all these countries’ elections. I suggest that by these standards average ideological congruence in the Western liberal democracies in the last 20 years has been fairly successful, but not as successful as it could be.  相似文献   

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Legal context: Major copyright owners have been slow to rise to the challengepresented by illegal file-sharing and downloading. In recentyears, they have scored a number of significant Court victoriesagainst file-sharers, but the recent decision in Promusicaev Telefónica, in which the ECJ held that the right tothe protection of industrial property does not necessarily outweighthe right to privacy, indicates that rights holders may benefitfrom a more creative and co-operative approach to file-sharing. Key points: The author provides an analysis of the Promusicae decision,along with a summary of the statutory position in the UK. Thisis also accompanied by a review of the recent internationallitigation landscape on file-sharing and a review of currentattitudes towards addressing illegal filesharing, includingrecent proposals from the British Government and the EuropeanParliament and new models of co-operation between rights holdersand file-sharing service providers. Practical significance: The Promusicae decision will disappoint copyright owners. TheECJ decision left it to Member States to determine whether thereshould be an obligation to disclose personal data in order toprotect copyright, so long as the interpretation of the lawattempts to reconcile the parties' competing rights and principlesand demonstrates proportionality. Copyright owners will, therefore,have to tailor enforcement strategies to individual Member States.This will hamper their ability to take action against individualinfringers efficiently. In addition to litigating against infringers,however, they may benefit from the new models of co-operationbetween copyright owners and file-sharing services which areemerging.  相似文献   

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The authors describe a particular form of football hooliganism, namely the behaviour displayed by particular groups of young fans - in Italy the so-called ultras - consisting of acts of vandalism and systematic aggression to the detriment of similar opposing groups both within and, above all, outside the stadiums. The development over the last decade is outlined and the authors try to explain the current situation and the most recent changes. They show that, in spite of the diminishing number of incidents in the last years, this violence is changing appearance: on the one hand, it turns against the police; on the other hand it declines into pure vandalism and juvenile deviance. An important moment was the crisis caused by the death of an ultras in 1995, which marked a turning point between the 'old way' of the ultras and the new developments. A brief comparison is made with the English situation, both on the appearance of hooliganism as well as on the preventive policies, the police and the legislation on acts of hooliganism and sports violence.Italian Association of Sport for All  相似文献   

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Conclusion The political-criminal nexus that emerged in the post-Soviet period represents a transformation of the relationships which existed in the Soviet period. The division of the property of the Soviet state gave ample possibilities for the political-criminal nexus to obtain significant political assets. They were able to transform their power from one that was rooted in the managerial apparatus of the Soviet state and the consumer economy into one with international dimensions and control of very large shares of the domestic economy. The rise of the political-criminal nexus, while hardly surprising in light of the structure of power relations in the final decades of the Soviet period, precludes full democratization or the rise of a real market economy. In the initial years of the transformation process from a socialist to a post-socialist economy, insufficient attention was paid to the containment of the political-criminal nexus in both Russia and Ukraine. Most Western politicians and international organizations focused on the collapse of communism rather than the rise of these pernicious alternative power relationships. The prognosis for the containment of the political-criminal nexus in either country is rather limited at the moment. Ukraine, however, is at a comparative disadvantage because it has failed to sufficiently acknowledge the high costs of organized crime and its political links. This has been done at the highest levels of Russian government although precious little has been done to address the problem. The Ukraine situation is more difficult because its institutional resources are much more limited than Russia which inherited a disproportionate share of the Soviet Union's financial and institutional resources. With limited civil society and the economic precariousness of much of the population, little can be done to control the problem at its roots. The political-criminal nexus in Russia and Ukraine will remain a serious problem in coming decades. It cannot be ignored in appraising the development of the domestic political situation in either country or determining foreign policy in relation to these two newly independent states.  相似文献   

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A case of a typical form of sexual asphyxiation is described, involving a young man hanging, in a context of autoerotic asphyxia. Multiple and different parameters are included in the definition.  相似文献   

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The European Union is currently revising its system of centralised authorisation for agreements between firms falling within the scope of Article 81 (1) of the EC Treaty but qualifying for exemption from the general prohibition. The proposed reform in the 1999 White Paper on Modernisation of the Rules Implementing Articles 81 and 82 of the EC Treaty involves the abolition of the notification and exemption system and its replacement by a directly applicable exception system where restrictive practices qualifying for exemption are lawful per se and subject to abuse control. This paper compares both the current notification system and the proposed system of ex-post control in a game-theoretical framework. If precommitment to an enforcement probability by the antitrust authority is not possible and a mixed equilibrium exists for both systems, the notification system is superior to the system of abuse control in terms of social welfare.  相似文献   

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Female genital mutilation (FGM)--previously known as female circumcision--was criminalised in many countries in the 1990s. This occurred mainly in Western nations and responded to the perception that FGM was intended to subjugate women and was an abuse of human rights. However, other female genital surgical procedures have a totally different intent and are designed to restore the integrity of the hymen, correct deformity or simply enhance the appearance of the female genitalia. Such procedures, unlike FGM, are performed on women who have reached the age of consent and who request the surgery themselves. Restoring the integrity of the hymen (so-called "hymenoplasty") can erase evidence of the sexual history of a woman. "Revirgination" may have particular importance to women contemplating marriage in cultures where a high value is placed on virginity Some commentators have equated hymenoplasty with corrective surgery intended to restore the condition of female circumcision--techniques which are prohibited by most Australian criminal statutes. However, the medical, ethical and human rights arguments against FGM are not easily extended to revirgination and other cosmetic genital surgery. This article examines whether revirgination surgery has effectively been criminalised in Australia and whether this is appropriate from a medical and ethical perspective.  相似文献   

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