Realizing the Responsibility to Protect

Written prior to the release of the UN Secretary-General's report on implementing the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), this article examines the effort to translate the principle from words into deeds. It begins by noting a post-2005 revolt against the principle in which a number of states expressed skepticism about the principle and its use in different settings. This revolt, the article contends, was largely a product of the continuing association between R2P and humanitarian intervention. This association was, in turn, caused by a combination of misplaced commentary and the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty's focus on the intervention question. This article maintains that building consensus on the R2P requires a shift in emphasis and proposes three avenues: clarifying the nature of prevention, developing practical measures, and proposing modest proposals for institutional reform.     

论中国对国际规范的塑造——以“保护的责任”为例

"保护的责任"被写入《2005年世界首脑会议成果》标志着这一规范的制度化,但这并不意味着各国对其付诸实施的支持。由于"保护的责任"规范被制度化后,在其履行的阶段遭遇了程序性和实质性的争论,因此本文认为,"保护的责任"规范的兴起和制度化是一个不断演进的过程,其履行也是国际规范扩散的必要步骤,它与制度化是一个连续谱系,两者共同推动这项规范的扩散。作为一个新兴大国,中国不仅积极参与了"保护的责任"规范演进的三个阶段,而且在强烈反对西方"人道主义干预"的同时,扮演着建构和实施"保护的责任"规范的建设性角色。中国所倡导的构建"保护的责任"规范的战略实现了中国的全球治理理念与国际规范塑造的相互对接,这也是着眼于人类的共同利益和长远利益而提出的中国方案。     

Dahl's Procedural Democracy: A Foucauldian Critique

Using Michel Foucault's insights into the operations of power this article assesses the theoretical strengths of Robert Dahl's procedural democracy. It assumes a 'perfect' procedural democracy that functions according to the ideal standards, or five criteria, that Dahl introduces. In so far as this imaginary democracy is 'perfect' it will, according to Dahl, ensure a variety of goods such as equality and freedom. Theoretically speaking the controlling mechanisms that Foucault describes will not be able to function within Dahl's model, since they tend to annihilate the goods that it is meant to secure. The article reveals two central difficulties with Dahl's account. First it shows that a range of controlling mechanisms that suppress freedom and engender inequality could legitimately function within a 'perfect' democracy. Second, it argues that within this democracy, human traits inconsistent with the values considered essential by Dahl can still be generated. On a deeper level, the article concludes that a 'perfect' procedural democracy is untenable because procedures can never be divorced from power relations.     

中国与“保护的责任”原则的发展

一直以来,中国在促进"保护的责任"原则进一步发展和完善上的贡献并未得到充分探讨。笔者认为,中国的贡献包括三个方面:一是坚决一贯地支持"保护的责任"原则所体现的国际道德共识;二是对该原则的具体适用持审慎态度,推动该原则从道德共识向法律规范的稳步发展而非极端冒进;三是从更为宏大的标本兼治的角度出发,探索有中国特色的热点问题解决之路,促进实现"有责任的保护"。与西方在推广"保护的责任"原则中所持的道德主义、极端主义做法相比,中国的贡献有着更为深远的国际政治意义,即实现了对国际规范的内部扩散与外部扩散的平衡、国际规范建构的自上而下和自下而上方法的平衡。这不仅有利于更为公正、合理的国际规范和国际秩序建构,也有利于中国特色大国外交理论和实践的发展。     

The UN Charter,the Responsibility to Protect,and the Syria Issue

正Syria has been in turmoil since March 2011.Western countries have intervened in Syria in a high-profile manner since the beginning of the turmoil,first imposing unilateral sanctions on the Bashar     

俄罗斯保护生态安全的措施分析

从20世纪70年代起,生态环境安全问题引起各国广泛关注.随着人类工业文明的快速发展和日益进步,追求经济增长与环境保护之间的矛盾日益突出,生态环境质量与经济发展之间的两难冲突变得日益尖锐和无法回避.水污染、荒漠化、沙尘暴、臭氧层破坏、生物物种锐减和气候异常等生态环境问题对整个人类,对国家的发展构成了巨大的威胁.俄罗斯在保持生物圈的全球性功能方面发挥着关键性作用,俄罗斯目前的环境状况问题日益突出,这里着重对其维护生态安全的措施加以分析,希望对我国治理环境问题有所裨益.     

Sovereignty a-venir: Towards a Normative Understanding of Sovereignty

This article draws upon Derridean philosophy to argue for a more holistic understanding of sovereignty, a reading of the concept that alternatively envisages sovereignty as home, is prone to normativity, and bestows sovereignty with an ethical perspective. The first section shows how scholarly efforts to approach sovereignty, the English School of international relations theory in particular, do not go far enough in engaging with the concept in normative terms. In the second section we employ the Derridean notions of aporia, to-come and hospitality to synthesise sovereignty a-venir and link it with the normative positiveness of home. The article empirically proceeds with the case of Kosovo to illustrate how sovereignty a-venir points to a promised sovereign condition, normatively understood as hospitable home, but suggests that it will never exist in the present because it remains aporetic. The concluding section reflects on how sovereignty a-venir paves the way for follow-up research in the discipline.     

"中国责任论"考验和平发展

“中国责任论”有深刻、复杂的国际背景。对致力于走和平发展道路的中国来说,“责任论”可谓是一个新的考验。对于综合实力仍然不够强大,国计民生仍有诸多严峻问题尚待解决的中国来说,如何应对“责任论”,是一个战略性问题。面对国际社会的期待,中国应适当承担国际责任,既不因逃避该承担的责任而受孤立,又不因过分承担责任而累垮自己。责任与利益密切相关,维护好责任利益,需要战略筹划。     

A Doctrine of Contingent Sovereignty

Disengagement of U.S. leadership in recent years has not only emboldened the world's worst actors, it has enabled the emergence of non-state groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) to threaten a new and ominous trend in international affairs—the pursuit of sovereign authority by transnational violent-extremists. Amending both the Clausewitzian “remarkable trinity” to explicitly encompass non-state actors in war and the balance-of-power praxis of Talleyrand to one favoring dynamic repair of failed and failing states in diplomacy, the Doctrine of Contingent Sovereignty proposed in this article provides the requisite tools for bolstering legitimacy of weakened states while simultaneously affording the necessary freedom-of-action for the United States to secure its vital national interests. Analogous to the Monroe Doctrine of the nineteenth-century, which put putative expansionist powers on notice, this new doctrine asserts that the privilege of sovereignty remains contingent upon adherence to accepted international norms of behavior.     

Growing Sovereignty: Modeling the Shift from Indirect to Direct Rule

Drawing on theories of historical sociology, we model the emergence of the territorial state in early modern Europe. Our modeling effort focuses on systems change with respect to the shift from indirect to direct rule. We first introduce a one-dimensional model that captures the tradeoff between organizational and geographic distances. In a second step, we present an agent-based model that features states with a varying number of organizational levels. This model explicitly represents causal mechanisms of conquest and internal state-building through organizational bypass processes. The computational findings confirm our hypothesis that technological change is sufficient to trigger the emergence of modern, direct-state hierarchies. Our theoretical findings indicate that the historical transformation from indirect to direct rule presupposes a logistical, rather than the commonly assumed exponential, form of the loss-of-strength gradient.     

主权观念与地区合作——以中国-东盟合作为例

主权观念对地区合作的影响体现在世界观、原则化信念和因果信念等方面。主权观念有利于建立行为者间基本的信任,推动地区合作。但由于各国的自我保护意识和难以消除的防范心理,国家之间的深度合作也难以实现。在中国-东盟合作过程中,主权观念既为合作的平稳开展提供了前提条件,推动了合作的迅速发展,但也在观念逻辑和现实纠纷上阻碍着地区意识的生成和一体化的深入发展。东亚地区主权观念根深蒂固既与传统价值体系的延续有关,也与近代以来受屈辱的历史记忆有关,同时也受国家发展阶段与现实利益考量的影响。这些因素都具有长期稳定性,因而在主权观念问题上,短时期内地区各国都无意也无力改变。     

移交主权后的伊拉克

6月 2 8日 ,美国领导下的联军当局向伊拉克提前移交主权 ,但伊拉克并未收回完整主权 ,联军的军事占领也没有结束。伊临时过渡政府对多国部队的军事行动只享有发言权 ,无否决权 ,联军享有治外法权。伊政治结构三分天下 ,什叶派占据了主要权力 ,逊尼派得到了名誉权。联合国第 1 5 4 6号决议授权美国领导下的多国部队继续在伊拉克驻留 ,多国部队有了联合国的合法外衣。伊拉克收回的仅仅是有限主权 ,包括有限立法权、有限司法权、有限安全权、有限国防权、有限石油资源权等。目前主宰伊拉克命运的是美伊双重领导机构 ,美伊两个权力中心并存     

利益边疆:国家主权的发展性内涵

全球化给人类社会带来了全方位的冲击。在自然经济条件下 ,国家和人类社会对于自身利益的认识是建立在地理概念基础之上的。只有当人类大范围频繁交往逐渐形成一种制度和潮流时 ,当人类的利益不仅仅在自己所属范围内存在时 ,利益边疆才会产生。在全球化时代 ,维护领土边疆是生存意义上的主权利益 ,而维护国家的利益边疆则是发展意义上的国家主权利益。我们需要认清这一历史性的重大变化 ,以确立一种具有发展性内涵的国家主权观。     

The Costs of Respecting Sovereignty

Respect for sovereignty can be an effective tool to manage relations between states, drawing boundaries of acceptable behavior. But there are also clear costs of respecting sovereignty. A foreign policy based on a principled defense of sovereignty can be, in fact, morally wrong, politically illegitimate, and strategically dangerous. This does not mean that sovereignty should be broken wantonly, but only that prudential judgment must be exercised to weigh the costs and benefits of respecting the sovereignty of a state. In the end, our security and our values, not the principle of sovereignty, should be the metric by which we should judge the necessity and legitimacy of U.S. actions.     

主权是发展中国家的最后一道屏障

人权与主权之间的关系日益成为冷战结束后国际上激烈争论的焦点。阿尔及利亚总统布特弗利卡代表非洲国家在1999年9月22日第54届联合国大会上抨击以维护人权的名义干涉他国内部冲突的倾向。布特弗利卡强调,非洲国家“对自己的主权遭到任何损害仍然极为敏感”,主权是非洲国家“防止出现不平等世界秩序的最后防线”。这个讲话充分反映出发展中国家与发达国家在如何看待主权与人权之间的关系上存在不同的处境、看法和立场。发展中国家对人权与主权之间关系的争端之所以极其重视,因为这是涉及到他们根本利益的大事。　　从常理上来讲,人权与…     

日本与邻国领土主权争端的国际法分析

日本与邻国中国、俄罗斯和韩国的领土主权争端都爆发于第二次世界大战之后,四国的领土争端存在类似性,如与历史主权、二战期间和战后的相关条约以及美国的积极干预密切相关,通过历史回顾及对条约的解读,以国际法的视角得出结论,日本企图以无主地先占或时效理由主张钓鱼台列屿的主权是无国际法根据的.