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Howard L. Kaye 《Society》2008,45(2):152-154
Eugene Goodheart provides an eloquent defense of the non-literalist, religious imagination before the aggressive atheism of several of today’s leading neo-Darwinists. But the position that he takes—that science and religion represent “complementary perspectives” serving different, yet equally permanent needs—is undermined by two fundamental problems. First, the claim that science can only tell us how the natural world works, while religion offers meaning, value, and moral guidance, may hold true when science is understood on the model of mathematical physics, but not when evolutionary biology and its derivatives are considered. Even Stephen Jay Gould, whose famous defense of science and religion as “nonoverlappling magisteria” resembles Goodheart’s, acknowledges that the case of evolutionary biology is profoundly different. Here evolutionary fact and moral values bleed together obscuring the boundary between science and religion. Second, religion and legacy of the religious imagination embedded in our culture, lose their ability to provide meaning, morals, and consolation when core elements of religious teaching are no longer believed to be true.
Howard L. KayeEmail:
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The authors comment on an earlier aritice in Society by Eugene Goodheart and offer a novel hypothesis about the origins of religion.
Lionel Tiger (Corresponding author)Email:
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This article identifies the shortcomings of “orthodox neo-Darwinians” such as Richard Dawkins, George Williams and Daniel Dennett in their efforts to describe human nature and human pro-social behavior. As an alternative to the views of these thinkers, the efforts of Peter Richerson, Robert Boyd, and other “dual inheritance” theorists to describe the evolution of human nature are also characterized. It is argued that dual inheritance theorists have surpassed the orthodox neo-Darwinians in their explanations for very important and uniquely human features such as our extensive sociability, complex cumulative culture and morality.
Brad Lowell StoneEmail:
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戴维·麦克莱伦教授在访谈中提出全球化的三个层面的含义:世界金融市场的活动容量的增大;世界贸易一体性的增强;全球化不仅仅是经济过程,它影响到人们生活的方方面面.他还谈到全球化与马克思主义、共产主义与宗教、未来社会与社会主义的关系.  相似文献   

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近代以来的科学进步在十分深远的层面上改变了人们对世界的看法,伴随宗教在公共生活中的退隐,科学在今天正起着与中世纪的宗教相似的作用。科学与宗教的相似性质与在历史上地位的转换值得加以重视。  相似文献   

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Science and God     
Lenn E. Goodman 《Society》2008,45(2):130-142
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While there has been numerous empirical works on political tolerance in the United States, many of these studies have not: addressed the role of religion, used adequate measures of religion, incorporated advances in the measurement of political tolerance, and/or included all the psychological and political predictors of political tolerance. Correcting these deficiencies, I present and test a religious model of political tolerance utilizing structural equation modeling. I find that the negative relationship typically demonstrated between both religious commitment and doctrinal orthodoxy to political tolerance does not manifest and that religion is insignificant vis-à-vis political and psychological determinants of political tolerance.
Marie A. EisensteinEmail: Phone: +1-219-980-6522
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Frederick Turner 《Society》2008,45(2):143-145
In response to Eugene Goodheart’s essay “Neo-Darwinism and Religion”, this essay criticizes both sides of the debate for their posing of false dichotomies. Atheist neodarwinists are illogical in arguing that the necessary chance emergence of physical constants that could produce a universe with intelligent life disproves the existence of God, since the same chance emergence would also necessarily produce a universe corresponding to traditional definitions of God. Religious anti-evolutionists are wrong in rejecting evolutionary accounts of the emergence of human religious instincts, since that emergence is a strong argument for the reality of what those instincts seem designed to register. Finally, Goodheart, as a humanities scholar, is somewhat blind to the distinguished history of writers, artists and scholars who found the highest spiritual inspiration in natural science.
Frederick TurnerEmail:
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Political secularism takes many forms but a fundamental distinction is between radical and moderate kinds. The latter is a genuine secularism and not just a failure to take secularism to its logical conclusion. The failure to appreciate this obscures the secularism that exists in western Europe. Namely, an accommodation of organised religion which sees it as a potential public good or national resource (not just a private benefit), which the state can in some circumstances assist to realise—even through an 'established' church. I adumbrate five types of reasons the state might be interested in religion: truth, danger, utility, identity and respect. The challenge facing such secularism today is whether it can be pluralised or multiculturalised, in particular whether it can accommodate Muslims. A ground for optimism is the respect that some people, especially some Muslims, have for religions other than their own.  相似文献   

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Begley S 《Newsweek》2001,137(19):50-57
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The American approach to secularism is distinctive, differing from the laicite of the French or the Turks in its greater friendliness to the public expression of religious beliefs and sentiments. Such arrangements are challenging to sustain, requiring constant renegotiation of acceptable boundaries, but may also provide a more fruitful way of drawing on the moral energies and insights of religion while keeping them contained within appropriate limits.
Wilfred M. McClayEmail:
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The Scottish independence referendum debate, like the Act of Union of 1707, has significant religious dimensions. The Act gave special recognition through the monarch to the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. The Church, a national church, has not yet declared a position on independence, but is seeking to protect its existing privileges whatever the result. The Roman Catholic Church, recognised by the Scottish Parliament, unlike its formal rejection by the UK Parliament and monarchy, symbolically associates itself with the case for independence. Paradoxically, Catholics supporting independence subject themselves, in their religious lives, to an authoritarian foreign power. The SNP Scottish Government attempts to draw Roman Catholic support for independence from its traditional support base in the Labour Party by cultivating a sense of religious grievance that is not justified by the evidence. Old religious divisions are still relevant but non‐religion is growing fast and resulting in new perspectives on the independence debate.  相似文献   

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