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1.
McKEE  H.K. 《African affairs》1952,51(205):323-335
A Joint Metting was held on Thursday, May 29th, 1952, when theCommissioner for Northern Rhodesia spoke in his private capacity.The Chair was taken by Mr. R. S. Hudson, Head of the AfricanStudies Branch in the Colonial Office.  相似文献   

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WILLIAMS  R. W. 《African affairs》1955,54(217):267-279
The following address was given before a joint meeting of theRoyal African Society and the Royal Empire Society on June 30,1955. The Rt. Hon. James Griffiths, M.P., and former ColonialSecretary, took the Chair.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Many of the usual assumptions about the impact of the economic crisis on trade unions and employment relations only partially fit the Italian case. Trade unions during the crisis showed resilience both organisationally and as important actors in economic and political life. Also, the national industry level reaffirmed itself as the key level in industrial relations. Explanations of these unexpected outcomes have to do with some features of all three actors of Italian employment relations. Trade unions have become over time a relevant actor not just in the industrial relations arena but in several other spheres of Italian society and politics. As to employers, small and medium enterprises (SMEs) have tended to prefer national sectoral-level agreements and set rather low wage standards, while employers’ associations have shown an organisational interest in preserving centralised bargaining where they play a role. Finally, governments have been too weak and short-lived to follow a consistent strategy of unilateral decision-making.  相似文献   

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In the Singapore model of industrial relations, the trade unions are said to be in a "special relationship" with the government. On the surface this special relationship looks suspiciously like the government exercises straightforward top-down corporatist control. This paper argues that despite being basically correct, such an understanding is overly simplistic because it ignores modest, but nevertheless real elements of inclusion. The paper focuses on the experience of the trade unions in the first half of the 1980s to argue this case, and to consider both the strengths and weaknesses of the Singapore system of corporatist trade unionism.  相似文献   

6.
R. L. PRAIN   《African affairs》1954,53(211):91-103
The following is an address which was given by Mr. R. L. Prainat a joint meeting of the Royal African Society with the RoyalEmpire Society. He is Chairman of the Rhodesian Selection Trust,which controls the mines at Luanshya and Mufulira.  相似文献   

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西欧国家工会运动在第二次世界大战结束之后的30多年里进入了高速发展的时期,并形成了以男性蓝领工人为核心推动社会权益扩张的主要力量之一。但随着经济和社会的转型,在新社会风险和风险群体出现的情况下,一方面,这些西欧国家的工会力量是否受到了冲击,原有的组织结构是否发生了改变;另一方面,面对新社会风险群体,这些工会是否积极地进行了自我调整,将这些受到新社会风险威胁的群体吸引和容纳进工会保护之下是本文重点考察的内容。而本文也将对西欧国家工会运动在社会风险下的表现进行比较和归类。  相似文献   

8.
MACDONA  BRIAN 《African affairs》1958,57(226):41-52
Sir Stewart Symes, a vice-president of the Society, took thechair, for the reading of this paper. Earlier, Sir Stewart hadopened the conference with a word of welcome to the audience.  相似文献   

9.
《African affairs》1954,53(213):310
This list gives an interesting insight into the present stateof the Reserves in Southern Rhodesia. It was extracted fromthe Report of the Commissioner for Native Affairs in 1949, andno doubt all the Trades now show considerable increases.  相似文献   

10.
MASON  PHILIP 《African affairs》1962,61(242):17-28
Mr. Mason, who is Director of the Institute of Race Relations,London, gave the address that follows at a joint meeting ofthe Royal African Society and Royal Commonwealth Society onOctober 5, 1961. Sir Gilbert Rennie G.B.E, K.C.M.G., M.C., formerHigh Commissioner for the Federation in London, took the chair.  相似文献   

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This article discusses the legacy of the colonial labour movement in Indonesia under five broad headings; labour unions and the development of political consciousness; labour unions as socio-economic institutions; leaders, followers and the development of worker leadership; organisations and structural legacies; and class, ethnic and religious divisions. For over three decades after the first labour union was created in 1908, union leaders struggled to build organisations that cut across the ethnic, linguistic and social class divisions of Indonesian workplaces. They had limited success. Nevertheless, labour unions did have an important role in increasing workers' wages, representing their grievances to employers and forcing the colonial government to pressure employers to improve both wages and conditions. They were central to the development of political consciousness, creating opportunities for Indonesians to acquire organisational skills and providing a channel for many to join nationalist political parties. In 1941, on the eve of the Japanese occupation, labour unions were among the strongest Indonesian organisations in the colonial towns and cities. In the aftermath of independence in August 1945 labour unions were quickly re-formed and, freed from many of the restrictions of the colonial states, recruited large numbers of urban workers. The successes and failures of the colonial labour movement were part of the collective memory of many leaders and members, influencing the direction of post-independence activities.  相似文献   

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孙玉琴 《美国研究》2012,(1):113-123,5,6
20世纪30年代世界经济大萧条时期,开始于美国的贸易保护主义政策,极大地损害了国际贸易的发展,中国的对外贸易尤其是中美贸易也受到了严重冲击。1929~1932年,尽管中国货币被动贬值,但其对出口的积极效应远远小于美国进口税提高及进口需求下降的效应。1933年以后美国关税壁垒降低,美国货币贬值及白银购买导致中国货币相对升值,但有限的贸易自由化及国民收入的增加,引致进口需求扩大,并由此带动了中国对美出口贸易的增长。  相似文献   

19.
中日贸易中的问题与对策   总被引:9,自引:1,他引:8  
中国加入WTO后的新形势及中国良好的投资环境,为进一步扩大中日双边贸易创造了机遇,但也存在制约因素.一是双边贸易中产生摩擦的机率增多;二是贸易摩擦的范围扩大;三是日本政府放任日元贬值牵制中国对外经贸发展.要进一步扩大中日双边贸易,就要克服不利因素,建立健全协调型竞争机制.  相似文献   

20.
This article investigates how public employee unions mobilised to take advantage of Morocco's Arab uprising. Leveraging their positions as operators of public institutions, these unionists exploited the unrest to strategically advance their interests. Two points emerge from this account of state—labour relations in Morocco. First, a spike in labour contestation began in early 2010, presaging the unrest that rocked Moroccan cities in 2011. Second, the unions secured their demands through traditional tactics of labour mobilisation—joining street protests, exaggerating material demands, and threatening negotiation walkouts. This strategy, however, became more efficacious during the Arab uprising. Fearing urban riots that had historically grown from labour protests since the 1980s, regime elites conceded to union demands, many of which they had previously rejected in the 2000s.  相似文献   

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