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Vladimir Kontorovich 《欧亚研究》2014,66(5):811-829
A substantial body of literature argues that government funding motivated by the Cold War shaped (or distorted) the content of the American academic disciplines. This article tests the impact of such funding on the academic study of the Soviet economy, a small field created to help fight the Cold War. It documents the amount of attention given by researchers to the military sector of the Soviet economy, the topic of central importance for the Cold War, and finds that their publications largely ignored it. Considerations other than the interests of the sponsors determined the choice of topics in the discipline. 相似文献
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Vincent Barnett 《欧亚研究》2009,61(5):797-812
This article examines the particular methods of war finance that were used by Russia during World War One in relation to the total cost of the war, and evaluates them against a theoretical ideal that was outlined by the Cambridge economist J. M. Keynes. It then asks whether there were any consequences of two particular chosen means of financing the war—the issue of large amounts of paper currency and short-term treasury bills—for maintaining Russian economic stability. The evaluations of a number of Russian and British economists are used as gauges of Keynes's advice, and also as more general comparison in relation to the equivalent policies pursued by other Allied countries. 相似文献
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Donald J. Reed 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(8):684-722
Fifth generation warfare has arrived and is irreversibly changing the character and nature of human conflict. It confronts the United States with the evolving strategic dilemma of not only dealing with the War on Terror, but of simultaneously crafting strategies that look beyond military preparedness for past wars and embrace the perspective of national preparedness for the spectrum of future conflicts. This article uses four essential elements of war—the new domains of conflict, the changing nature of adversaries, the changing nature of objectives, and the changing nature of force—to build a generational typology of war and conflict that informs the characteristics of fifth generation warfare. The resultant model produces two outcomes: First, it demonstrates how recent events such as the rise of computer hackers, the 2001 anthrax and the 2003–2004 ricin attacks, the 2004 Madrid bombings, and the emergence of Al Qaeda demonstrate characteristics of fifth generation warfare. Second, it illustrates the way in which these events are unique indicators of a future in which non-state entities are increasingly able to wage war on equal footing with nation-states. The article concludes that the United States must embrace fifth generation warfare if it is to successfully confront these threats that have taken on new and heretofore unimagined forms in the postmodern era of war. 相似文献
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俄罗斯车臣冲突中的法律战研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
宋新平 《当代世界社会主义问题》2004,(3)
狭义的法律战是指发生武装冲突时,特定主体为获取和维护其利益而进行的法律交锋.俄罗斯车臣冲突中,俄罗斯为维护其国家和民族利益,灵活运用国际法,与其交战方围绕统一与独立、人权和人道保护,以及打击恐怖主义等问题进行了多层面的法律斗争.总结其法律战的经验教训,具有积极的现实意义. 相似文献
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第二次大战结束至今半个多世纪以来,无论原苏联史学界还是西方史学界、国际政治学界还是军事战略学界,各种各样的专家学者几乎众口一词,都断言斯大林作为苏联最高统帅没有预见到德苏战争爆发的可能性,致使苏联在战争初期遭受了难以言状的惨痛损失,他本人也因此对自己的祖国犯下了不可宽恕的致命错误。 然而,事实并非如此。 相似文献
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Taking into account recently published evidence on Taiwan's relations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, this article examines the official and secret contacts between Moscow and Taipei from 1949 to 1988. It argues that despite some consideration given to a possible cooperation, Cold War hostility suited Taiwan and the Soviet Union more than collaboration. Taipei resorted to the ‘Soviet card’ in the 1970s to hinder Sino–American rapprochement, but never abandoned anti-Sovietism as the foundation of its diplomacy. The Soviet Union, for its part, prioritized normalization of relations with China and avoided rapprochement with the ROC, which could have only further strained ties with the PRC and accelerated the formation of the Sino–US united front against Moscow. 相似文献
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Carolyn Nordstrom 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(5):399-411
Kurzman (2004) argued that social movements research and Islamic studies “followed parallel trajectories, with few glances across the chasm that have separated them.” This article will illuminate one influential process that has relevance to both these areas, the use of small groups for the purpose or radical mobilization. Specifically, it examines the impact of the use of small Islamic study groups (usroh and halaqa) for fundamental and radical Islamic movements. Although small-group mobilization is not unique to Islam, the strategic use of these study groups empowered by the Islamic belief system has yielded significant returns in capacity building for high-risk activism. 相似文献
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