中国的国家级文艺大奖

中宣部批准的常设全国性文艺评奖项目37项:中国电影华表奖;夏衍电影文学奖;中国电影童牛奖;全国电视剧飞天奖;全国电视文艺星光奖;全国电视节目金童奖;中国广播剧奖;中国广播文艺奖;中国播音与主持作品奖;全国青年歌手电视大奖赛;中国艺术节文华大奖;群星奖;中国艺术教育奖;中国青少年艺术大赛;全国戏剧交流演出     

"艺术终结"问题及理论思考

黑格尔哲学美学中的"艺术终结"问题成为了20世纪西方美学和艺术哲学的一个预言,一些重要理论家基于不同的文化语境对"艺术终结"的预言作出了不同的阐释,成为了当代关学和艺术哲学的热门话题.探讨黑格尔以来关于"艺术终结"问题可知,"艺术终结"问题是对不同历史时期艺术发展的不同诠释,体现的是艺术实践和艺术理论阐释的开放性,而不是作为一种人类活动的艺术的结束.     

用"三个选择"艺术地统领"纲要"课教学

用"三个选择"艺术地统领"纲要"课教学的主要途径是:结合现实热点、难点,加大理论联系实际的力度;遵循教师主导的教学原则;树立以学生为本的理念,发挥学生的主体作用;加大讨论课课时比例;重视采用案例教学法;实践性教学有利于促进教学实效性.     

古希腊罗马的"艺术"观及其当下的启示

艺术的产生和存在与社会文化背景息息相关,美学研究美和美的艺术,但艺术有它独特的使命,从古代的追求普遍永恒到当下的求新求异求丑。历史长河中的艺术因古希腊文艺女神而浪漫,因古罗马的奥古斯都的雕像而至尊圣大,变化的是艺术的概念,不变的是艺术之美。     

论"红楼梦"题名

《红楼梦》是一杯芳醇甘洌的艺术美酒，沁人心脾；《红楼梦》是一朵永不凋零的艺术奇葩，芳香四溢。《红楼梦》三字是字字珠玑、掷地有声，既全面隐括着原书主旨，又高雅脱俗，情趣典雅，较之其他书名要高出一筹。     

析电视播音主持与"非语言表达"

"非语言表达"是除语言之外的传递信息的形式,它对于电视媒介的传播方式、观众的接收方式及传播效果都有着重要影响,其运用的广泛程度和重要程度完全不微于有声语言,特别是互联网的出现,给电视媒介带来空前的压力,对于电视媒介传播主体的节目主持人来说,不仅要通过与观众有声语言的信息传播,更要通过屏幕形象、动作形态、空间语言等等,形之于声,产生完美的视听效果,而这种效果只能诉诸于与视觉、听觉有关的非语言符号来强化和补充。因此,要树立个性鲜明的个人风格,吸引并引导受众正确地解读信息,真正收获最佳传播效果,对"非语言表达"的理解显得至关重要。     

佛像样式着色的变化从"随类赋采"到"随意赋彩"的风格转变

面对当下全球经济浪潮下的文化交流，中西艺术的相互渗透，如何在我们的创作中找到最有灵感的切入点成为大多数艺术创作者们苦苦寻觅的东西。我认为西方艺术不是我们艺术创新的唯一支持。从自己本土中的古代传统壁画色彩中仔细探究，拥有丰富的色彩素养是我们艺术探求者的基本功之一。因此本课题针对中国古代壁画色彩探析，关注核心是“色彩”。     

从韩剧热播说"韩流"

近些年,韩国的种种似乎成了我们身边很容易触及的"韩流"。电视里播放的是反反复复的"韩剧",报纸上是对"韩剧"明星的炒作,互联网上的关键词     

让"大赛"离孩子们远些

一段时间以来,譬如"艺术之星"、"中国宝贝"等打着"全国"、"中国"头衔针对青少年和中小学生的"大赛"雨后蘑菇般地冒了出来。 何以成风?大体有如下原因:一是大赛的"全国性"头衔和规模;二是举办单位的权威招牌;三是获奖者     

让语文课堂"活"起来

语言大师吕叔湘说过:"成功的教师之所以成功,是因为把课教活了."语文教学讲究"活"的艺术.语文课堂是直接展示语文教学的前沿阵地,语文课堂境界是衡量语文教学艺术的重要内容.     

Be there or be square – The impact of participation and performance in the 2017 Dutch TV debates and its coverage on voting behaviour

TV debates are often seen as the most important events that provide the electorate with information about leading candidates and key issues during electoral campaigns. Research provides evidence for various debate effects, showing both a direct and indirect influence on voting decisions. There is, however, only scant evidence on the relative impact of TV debates when examining these effects at the same time. To fill this gap, our study aims to analyse whether and to what extent a candidate's participation in a debate, their performance in the debate or the related media coverage influence the electorate when examined simultaneously. We consider the case of the 2017 Dutch general elections, which offers an almost ideal setting due to the broadcast of several TV debates of different formats and candidate compositions throughout the campaign period. To distinguish the effects of single debates, we use original Dutch panel survey data. We find a weak overall influence of the debates; the most significant effects are decreasing vote intentions for the two main competitors (VVD and PVV) after both candidates refused to participate in the first TV debate, and a ‘winner-effect’ for one of the two main candidates in a head-to-head debate.     

To the Advantage of the Big Parties but They Seem to Lose Interest—TV Advertising During the 2002 German National Election Campaign

Abstract

Since the introduction of commercial broadcasting in Germany during the 1980s, parties are allowed to purchase airtime in addition to the free airtime they receive on public channels. This has led to an increasing disadvantage for the smaller parties. In addition to the fact that a graded system of allocation of airtime is applied for ads on public TV and small parties receive fewer slots than their big competitors, they cannot afford to buy extra airtime. Comparisons of style and content of the party ads further show that the bigger parties produce highly professional ads while the broadcasts of smaller parties are often unprofessional and almost home-style. While the spots allow unknown parties to receive the attention of the audience, their unprofessional offerings might work to their disadvantage. While the ads of the 2002 electoral campaign have confirmed these developments, analyses of the ads of the big parties at the same time hint at a growing disenchantment with the ads as a campaign channel. Even the big parties tend to invest less money in their TV campaign than in former campaigns, which at least partly seems to be due to unfavorable conditions for electoral advertising on TV. This paper presents findings from analyses of the party ads in 2002 which are compared with findings from a long-term analysis which covers the elections since 1957, the first year in which party ads were shown on German TV.     

Multimodal narratives in SIA's “Singapore Girl” TV advertisements – from branding with femininity to branding with provenance and authenticity?

This paper analyses the multimodal narratives in Singapore Airlines (SIA)’s TV advertisements. Adapting the concept of the foreground–background continuum in multimodal interaction analysis, the first section of this paper analyses the narratives in 10 TV commercials available online from 1970s to 2013. Following the comparative analysis, a close investigation from a social semiotic perspective is conducted on SIA's latest TV advertisement in 2013. Through the analysis, this study shows how gendered representations of the Singapore Girl are manipulated in SIA's advertisements. It also reveals how these gendered representations adopted by SIA are married with contemporary branding philosophies, which also work to cloak them in relation to the use of increasingly well-rounded narrative structure. This study hopes to shed light on the understanding of how gender and sexist ideologies and representations are discursively embodied in contemporary branding strategies used by large-scale advertisements and campaigns spanning a long period.     

Politicians,Media Moguls and PayTV: Pay‐TV Policy‐making in Australia 1977‐1995

This article explores the major influences on pay‐TV policy‐making in Australia from the late 1970s, when the issue was first discussed in the context of proposals to establish a domestic communications satellite, up until the introduction of pay‐TV in Australia in 1995, thereby placing current developments in the pay‐TV industry in context. The article argues that among larger broadcasting and telecommunications issues, pay‐TV has never been ‘the main game’. For both Coalition and Labor governments, the expansion of existing free‐to‐air television services in regional Australia and the introduction of competition in telecommunications have been much more important policy priorities than the introduction of pay‐TV. Furthermore, because pay‐TV policy‐making largely took place in this wider policy context, the structure of the broadcasting and telecommunications industries also shaped pay‐TV policy outcomes.     

Asylum seekers,citizenship and reality TV in the Netherlands: quizzing refugees in jeopardy

This article interrogates a Dutch jeopardy style TV show, Weg van Nederland, featuring young, well-educated asylum seekers about to be deported. The TV program, devised in collaboration with the advocacy group ‘Defense for Children,’ performed the paradoxes resulting from the ‘inclusive exclusion’ of asylum seekers. Yet, its strategy of inscribing the contestants into the space of citizenship by highlighting their ‘rootedness’ through the quiz format also lent support to the exclusivist, essentialist understanding of national belonging that is produced in contemporary Dutch citizenship and integration law. Moreover, the show's focus on successful, thoroughly integrated and career driven young adults, while pragmatic from the perspective of the show's (limited) political objectives, also reproduced the preferred template of neoliberal citizenship, which drives the European migration regime and its policy of selective in/exclusion. These contradictions expose the possibilities, as well as the limitations, of humanitarian appeals working within the contemporary media regime, including reality TV, which imposes its own generic terms (and ideological inflections) on the justice claims launched within its public arena.     

Does Public Broadcasting Make a Difference? Political Knowledge and Electoral Campaigns on Television

The political role of the modern media and the impact on public opinion has come under intense scrutiny. The arguments in the scientific dispute have been structured under the optimistic ‘cognitive mobilisation’ and pessimistic ‘media malaise’ banners. For obvious reasons the role of television has been most intensely discussed. TV has the widest reach and is believed to have to the strongest impact. So far, much of the exchange of arguments has been based on data from the United States. In many European countries, public broadcasting is far more prominent than in the United States, and one can argue that the ideals underlying public broadcasting have put their mark on the TV industry in many European countries. Norway is such a case. The interesting question is, of course, whether this matters. Does public broadcasting foster a ‘virtuous circle’ of increased political competence, whereas commercial TV creates ‘media malaise’? Data from the Norwegian 1997–2001 election survey panel is used in this study to overcome the main methodological problem in the many studies based on cross‐sectional data: the question of causality. Too often researchers have based their inferences about the link between media exposure and political knowledge on cross‐sectional correlations. The empirical results do little to support the optimistic view of TV as the great political educator. On the contrary, neither exposure to the state‐owned public broadcasting NRK nor the commercial TV2 help to increase the general level of political knowledge. However, NRK seems to be the preferred channel among the politically well‐informed.     

Politicians on TV news: Getting attention in Dutch and German election campaigns

Abstract. Different strategies apply in the Netherlands and in Germany when TV channels have to decide how often politicians are mentioned or shown in the news during national election campaigns. Extensive content analyses in the 1990s suggest that Dutch political and media traditions promote a more equally distributed attention to different political positions. In Germany, TV news focuses almost exclusively on the incumbent candidate for the top function of the national government (the office of Chancellor) and his challengers. The likely causes are not only the political system and the particular circumstances of the 1990s (with the pre–eminence of Helmut Kohl), but also recent developments in the way in which German journalists define their task.     

National TV broadcasting and the rise of the regulatory state

Using historical, theoretical and empirical arguments, this paper puts forth the notion that it was the rise of US national TV networks in the late 1960s that led to the expansion of federal social regulation and a simultaneous decline of federal economic regulation in the 1970s. The paper argues that national TV networks changed the relative position of national versus local and regional producers and sellers of goods and services. Instead of preferring state and local social regulation, the emerging national firms preferred federal social regulation. Since national markets were emerging, the same national firms lobbied for regulatory reform in transportation and communication services. The rise of national markets associated with national TV networks also stimulated a demand for mergers and consolidations. Data describing these various phenomena are provided in the paper.     

A comparative analysis of Channels TV and CNN's coverage of World News

This study did an analysis of the Western and Third world coverage of World News using the broadcast stations (CNN and Channels TV) as case study. In other words, the study sought to examine if the Western and Third World nations are still guilty of imbalance, bias and distortion in their treatment of news. The findings showed that both the North and South nations are guilty of bias and imbalance in their coverage of World News and that each nation seeks to promote their interest rather than a true world interest or the interest of their counterpart nations. The study further revealed that the Third World media still depend heavily on Western media sources for its news albeit their standpoint on the News Flow debate. About 50% of the entire World News stories on Channels TV were sourced ‘outside’, while about 40% were unidentified. Only 10% were from the in‐house personnel. It was also observed that about 55 and 67% of World News coverage by Channels TV and CNN, respectively, were focused on ‘bad news’; an age‐long controversy that has bedeviled news coverage globally. In view of the foregoing, it has been recommended that there is need for the acceptance of ‘imbalance’ as a major feature of all media systems as well as a re‐evaluation of the standards and values of news evaluation. The rapid industrialization of Third World economies will also go a long way to stop the one‐way traffic in international communication which is what encourages media dependence. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Pushing the Boundary: are Reality TV Shows Ruffling Feathers in Africa?

The article addresses the viability of Reality TV shows in Africa. It weighs this against the continent’s much acclaimed conservatism. It identifies key differences within African philosophical traditions that could militate against the tenets of this genre. It concludes that the trend towards presenting TV formats where individuals and families are exposed to ridicule and contempt, berated for dysfunctional activities or where homosexuality, incest, infidelity, strange fetishes, or transvestism are discussed, has the tendency to collide directly or indirectly with competing African moral frameworks and could prove polarizing in the African setting.