Access to Justice and Social Inclusion: The Policy Challenges in Wales

Enhancing access to legal and advice services is a central pillar of the Access to Justice Act 1999. Within the new welfare framework, employment rights come increasingly into focus as the UK government seeks to forge a link between welfare and work. Access to the labour market, and being sustained within it, are seen as major mechanisms for combating social exclusion. Discrimination at work can only thwart these ambitions. The Access to Justice reforms imply an assessment of need and a review of the ways in which individuals are negotiating the available system of redress. This article reports on a study of advice provision in employment discrimination cases in Wales, funded by the Legal Services Commission and the Equality Commissions in Wales. Drawing on the accounts of key providers, individual experiences of advice seeking and available statistical evidence, it explores the opportunities and constraints of the Welsh context and profiles many of the policy challenges posed for the devolved administration. It demonstrates that, despite advances in equalities legislation and policy directives aimed at strengthening people's employment rights, a number of critical obstacles remain for the most disadvantaged groups.     

Relational Human Rights: Shed‐DNA and the Identification of the ‘Living Disappeared’ in Argentina

Through an ethnographic reading of an Argentine Supreme Court decision I explore the changing nature of the legal subject of human rights in light of emerging technologies. Guillermo Gabriel Prieto was suspected of being a ‘living disappeared’, one of the estimated 500 infants or young children forcibly abducted by the last military dictatorship in Argentina. They were raised by the perpetrators of the crime or their accomplices and kept unaware of their birth origins. The Court's deliberations focused on Guillermo's appeal of a lower‐court decision to carry out an identity test based on his shed‐DNA. The decision demonstrates that while the subject of human rights has often been equated with the bounded individual, new technologies challenge us to reconsider the subject's core characteristics: physical boundedness, autonomy, and individuality. I argue that the ruling offers us an alternative conception of the subject that could become the foundation for a new vision of human rights     

企业社会责任的制度化

面对后金融危机时代以来中国经济可持续发展的强风险导向,现代产业网络核心的企业,已经越来越难以离开与利益相关方涉及经济、环境和社会等不同要素层面的交互和嵌入。更多地承担企业社会责任,不仅成为现代企业融入产业网络的标签,而且越来越借助制度的约束力,以保证切实践行。本研究在完成专门指向"制度性要素"的国内外文献和经验整理的基础上,归纳CSR责任制度化的世界理论共识和中国难题,藉此分析中国企业社会责任制度化的现状、问题和矛盾,在此基础上,以作为中国经济发展引擎的上海地区近200家产业和信息化领域企业为调研样本,甄别和发现责任制度化的关键议题和优先顺位,进而提出当下中国企业责任制度化的多元路径实现方案。     

Democratising online content moderation: A constitutional framework

Freedom of expression is one of the cornerstones on which democracy is based. This non-exhaustive statement firmly clashes with the troubling evolution of the algorithmic society where artificial intelligence technologies govern the flow of information online according to opaque technical standards established by social media platforms. These actors are usually neither accountable nor responsible for contents uploaded or generated by the users. Nevertheless, online content moderation affects users’ fundamental rights and democratic values, especially since online platforms autonomously set standards for content removal on a global scale. Despite their crucial role in governing the flow of information online, social media platforms are not required to ensure transparency and explanation of their decision-making processes. Within this framework, this work aims to show how the liberal paradigm of protection of the right to free speech is no longer enough to protect democratic values in the digital environment, since the flow of information is actively organised by business interests, driven by profit-maximisation rather than democracy, transparency or accountability. The role of free speech is still paramount. However, the challenges raised by the algorithmic society leads to focus on enhancing the positive dimension of this fundamental right by introducing new users’ rights and transparency and accountability obligations for social media to inject democratic values in the digital environment.     

起草《政府信息公开条例》（专家建议稿）的基本考虑

政府信息公开对于促进经济增长、推进依法行政、实现人民的民主权利、治理腐败等具有重要的意义。学者起草的《政府信息公开条例》规定了权利原则、公开原则、利益平衡原则、不收费原则、自由使用原则、救济原则 ,并规定在县级以上人民政府设立信息委员会 ,受理人民对信息申请的申诉。同时 ,人民还可以获得提请行政复议、提起行政诉讼的救济。     

A study of individual,environmental, and interactive effects in explaining adjustment to prison

The interactionist model of adjustment to prison suggests that inmates have unique characteristics which work as internal determinants of behavior, but do so within the framework of the prison's social environment, which facilitates or impedes satisfaction of needs. Distress occurs at the point of transaction where an individual's adaptive capacity is inadequate to meet internal and/or environmental demands. Past research examined the influence of both individual and environmental characteristics in determining patterns of prison adjustment but failed to investigate the fit between person and environment. Using multiple measures of individual effects, environmental effects, and congruence between person and environment, this study found that all three dimensions are significantly related to how inmates adjust to prison. Implications of these findings for prison administration are discussed.     

NGOs,international courts,and state backlash against human rights accountability: Evidence from NGO mobilization against Tanzania at the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights

When nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) encounter state resistance to human rights accountability, how do NGOs use international courts for their human rights advocacy strategies? Considering the overlapping phenomena of shrinking civic space within authoritarian, hybrid, and democratically backsliding regimes, and state backlash against international courts, NGOs navigate two potential levels of state backlash against human rights accountability. Building on the interdisciplinary scholarship on legal mobilization, we develop an integrated framework for explaining how states' two-level (domestic and international) backlash tactics can both promote and deter NGOs' strategic litigation at international human rights courts (IHRCs). States' backlash tactics can influence NGOs' opportunities, capacities, and goals for their human rights advocacy, and thus affect whether and how they pursue strategic litigation at IHRCs. We elucidate the value of this framework through case studies of NGOs' litigation against Tanzania at the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, an understudied IHRC. Drawing on an original data set, interviews, and documentation, we process-trace how Tanzania's various backlash tactics influenced whether and how NGOs litigated at the Court. Our framework and analysis show how state backlash against human rights accountability affects NGOs' mobilization at IHRCs and, relatedly, IHRCs' opportunities for influence.     

The contribution of EU public procurement law to corporate social responsibility

This article argues that while EU public procurement law increasingly allows public authorities to take environmental and social considerations into account in public purchasing decisions, it does impose limits on the possibility for authorities to incentivise corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies through public procurement. These specific limits are the result of the EU legislator's choice to endorse the Court of Justice's ordoliberal approach to public procurement law. This approach is in tension with EU CSR policy, and more broadly, the EU's non‐economic goals such as environmental protection, the fight against climate change, human rights and social policy. It reflects a normative preference for the right of undertakings to compete for a tender over the freedom of government authorities to choose a supplier on public interest grounds even if these choices are based exclusively on a legitimate public interest and should be reconsidered.     

Social Insurance Monopolies in Community Competition Law and the Italian Constitution: 'Practical' Convergences and 'Theoretical' Conflicts

An Italian judge, following earlier suggestions of the national antitrust Authority, has referred to the Court of Justice for a preliminary ruling under Article 234 EC Treaty two questions on the interpretation of Articles 81 and 86 of the EC Treaty. With those questions, raised in an action brought by a self‐employee against the Istituto Nazionale per l'Assicurazione contro gli Infortuni sul Lavoro (INAIL) concerning the actor's refusal to pay for social insurance contributions, the Tribunale di Vicenza has in summary asked the Court of Justice whether the public entity concerned, managing a general scheme for the social insurance of accidents at work and professional diseases, can be qualified as an enterprise under Article 81 EC Treaty and, if so, whether its dominant position can be considered in contrast with EC competition rules. This article takes this preliminary reference as a starting point to consider in more general terms the complex constitutional issues raised by what Ge´rard Lyon‐Caen has evocatively called the progressive ‘infiltration’ of EC competition rules into the national systems of labour and social security law. The analysis is particularly focused on the significant risks of ‘constitutional collision’, between the ‘solidaristic’ principles enshrined in the Italian constitution and the fundamental market freedoms protected by the EC competition rules, which are implied by the questions raised in the preliminary reference. It considers first the evolution of ECJ case law—from Poucet and Pistre to Albany International BV—about the limits Member States have in granting exclusive rights to social security institutions under EC competition rules. It then considers specularly, from the Italian constitutional law perspective, the most recent case law of the Italian Constitutional Court on the same issues. The ‘contextual’ reading of the ECJ's and the Italian Constitutional Court's case law with specific regard to the case referred to by the Tribunale di Vicenza leads to the conclusion that there will probably be a ‘practical convergence’in casu between the ‘European’ and the ‘national’ approach. Following the arguments put forward by the Court of Justice in Albany, the INAIL should not be considered as an enterprise, in line also with a recent decision of the Italian Constitutional Court. And even when it was to be qualified as an enterprise, the INAIL should in any case be able to escape the ‘accuse’ of abuse of dominant position and be allowed to retain its exclusive rights, pursuant to Article 86 of the EC Treaty. This ‘practical convergence’in casu does not, however, remove the latent ‘theoretical conflict’ between the two approaches and the risk of ‘constitutional collision’ that it implies. A risk of a ‘conflict’ of that kind could be obviously detrimental for the European integration process. The Italian Constitutional Court claims for herself the control over the fundamental principles of the national constitutional order, assigning them the role of ‘counter‐limits’ to the supremacy of European law and to European integration. At the same time, and more generally, the pervasive spill over of the EC market and competition law virtually into every area of national regulation runs the risk of undermining the social and democratic values enshrined in the national labour law traditions without compensating the potential de‐regulatory effects through measures of positive integration at the supranational level. This also may contribute to undermine and threaten, in the long run, the (already weak) democratic legitimacy of the European integration process. The search for a more suitable and less elusive and unilateral balance between social rights and economic freedoms at the supranational level should therefore become one of the most relevant tasks of what Joseph Weiler has called the ‘European neo‐constitutionalism’. In this perspective, the article, always looking at the specific questions referred to the Court of Justice by the Tribunale di Vicenza, deals with the issue of the ‘rebalance’ between social rights and economic and market freedoms along three distinct but connected lines of reasoning. The first has to do with the need of a more open and respectful dialogue between the ECJ and the national constitutional courts. The second is linked to the ongoing discussion about the ‘constitutionalization’ of the fundamental social rights at the EC level. The third finally considers the same issues from the specific point of view of the division of competences between the European Community and the Member States in the area of social (protection) policies.     

欧洲一体化进程中人权法律地位的演变

欧洲共同体最初将经济一体化作为首要目标 ,人权不构成其主要活动领域。随着欧洲一体化的进程 ,人权成为共同体对外关系的基石以及其域内关注的事项。通过修改基础条约和制定有关的人权法律 ,欧盟在《欧洲联盟条约》框架下确定了人权的法律地位 ,同时创造了独有的人权类型。     

A hypothetical neurological association between dehumanization and human rights abuses

Dehumanization is anecdotally and historically associated with reduced empathy for the pain of dehumanized individuals and groups and with psychological and legal denial of their human rights and extreme violence against them. We hypothesize that ‘empathy’ for the pain and suffering of dehumanized social groups is automatically reduced because, as the research we review suggests, an individual''s neural mechanisms of pain empathy best respond to (or produce empathy for) the pain of people whom the individual automatically or implicitly associates with her or his own species. This theory has implications for the philosophical conception of ‘human’ and of ‘legal personhood’ in human rights jurisprudence. It further has implications for First Amendment free speech jurisprudence, including the doctrine of ‘corporate personhood’ and consideration of the potential harm caused by dehumanizing hate speech. We suggest that the new, social neuroscience of empathy provides evidence that both the vagaries of the legal definition or legal fiction of ‘personhood’ and hate speech that explicitly and implicitly dehumanizes may (in their respective capacities to artificially humanize or dehumanize) manipulate the neural mechanisms of pain empathy in ways that could pose more of a true threat to human rights and rights-based democracy than previously appreciated.     

Automated communication and basic rights

Nowadays communication does not necessarily originate from humans, but also from “machines” such as “social bots” or “things” in the Internet of Things. From a basic rights perspective, this phenomenon raises the question if such communication benefits from the same level of protection as communication created by human beings. With regard to the basic rights of the Grundgesetz, the Federal Constitutional Court for years has been excluding some forms of communication from the scope of protection as not needing or deserving protection. The ratio of these decisions must not be applied to cases of automated communication without noticing possible differences. Automated communication can mostly be linked to the human beings or legal entities applying it. Therefore, its prohibition or regulation is a matter of proportionality of infringements with fundamental rights.

     

Granting the Right to Vote for the European Parliament to Resident Third‐Country Nationals: Civic Citizenship Revisited

The EU grants rights to third‐country nationals (TCNs) and strives to approximate their rights to those of Union citizens. Up to now, the approximation has extended to social and economic matters. This article investigates whether political rights, notably voting rights for the European Parliament (EP), should also be approximated. To this end, the analysis applies Dahl's democratic principles of ‘coercion’ and ‘all affected interests’ as well as Bauböck's principle of ‘stakeholding’ to the position of TCNs in the EU. Against that background, it explores the relevance of arguments for and against granting TCNs the right to vote in European elections and submits that voting rights should be granted to long‐term resident TCNs. The author then proposes including TCN voting rights in the legal framework for EP elections and concludes by suggesting the use of the concept of civic citizenship to express political approximation of TCNs to EU citizens.     

物权法定主义：在自由与强制之间

对物权法定主义的传统解释导致了物权法的僵硬性 ,不符合社会经济的现实需要。不同物权类型的性质不同 ,在法律体系和社会生活中的地位和作用也不相同。可以把物权分为基础性物权与功能性物权。前者主要包括所有权、基地使用权等用益物权、典权和自然资源使用权 ;后者主要包括抵押权、质权、让与担保和留置权等。当事人设定功能性物权的根本目的是利用物的基础性权利 (如所有权 )来担保债权的实现。在法律上 ,对于基础性物权应当坚持物权法定主义 ,而功能性物权则可由当事人自由创设。     

Silencing Bad Bots: Global,Legal and Political Questions for Mean Machine Communication

As digital automation expands across social contexts, the way in which legal systems respond when algorithms produce lies and hate presents a pressing policy problem. Search results, autofill suggestions, and intelligent personal assistants generate seemingly objective information for users in order to be helpful, efficient or fun but, as social technologies, can also produce prejudicial and false content. Chatbots and trending lists have made headlines for quickly being transformed from sweet to spiteful and political to inaccurate. As humans progressively engage with and rely on machine communication, the legality of algorithmically created information that harms the reputation or dignity of an individual, entity or group is a policy question posed and answered differently around the world. This article compares various defamation and hate speech laws through the lens of algorithmic content production – mean machine communication – and presents a set of outstanding issues that will require international and interdisciplinary attention.     

个体主义公共观:公共经济关系的宪政哲学取向

个体与公共是公共经济关系的基本哲学范畴。就个体与公共的应然关系而言,组成公共体是个体的需要,是个体合作与沟通的桥梁。公共是为广大个体的权利服务的,公共是具体的、历史的,公共离不开个体,但又不为某一具体的个体而存在。公共并不必然优先于个体,个体是公共的逻辑起点,公共是个体间满足共同需要的合意,是个体间的联结,是一种社会机制和社会建构方法。个体并非绝对利己,是利己与利他的辩证统一;公共并非绝对利他,至少不必然普遍利他。在公共体内产生矛盾的时候,需要以宪政来控制公共体向社会和个体发恶的可能性。公共可能是一种福利,也可能是一种危险,公共经济行动必须接受宪政约束,公共的形成必须满足基本的宪政条件,必须支付必要的宪政成本。     

Private Law and Housing Justice in Europe

This article explores the different meanings of the right to housing in Europe in public and private relations with housing providers. In light of the fundamental right to housing's meaning in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union, we offer a new reading of the CJEU judgments that have hitherto been heralded as extending the social dimension of EU (private) law. We submit that the emphasis on economic and procedural rights risks further ‘economisation’ of housing relations in Europe. While the possibilities to grant direct horizontal effect to the right to housing in EU law currently offer limited potential to counter this trend, private law provides part of the framework for a further balancing of social and economic elements in housing cases. Accordingly, we call for a debate on the specific aspects of horizontal relationships in the complex system of housing justice.     

From worker to self‐entrepreneur: The transformation of homo economicus and the freedom of movement in the European Union

This paper seeks to make a contribution to the study of personhood in EU free movement law by linking a historical and doctrinal analysis with the internal transformation of the homo economicus in economic liberalism. It is argued that a shift can be observed in the government of mobility from “freeing up” the ability of the worker as a relatively passive subject tied to external economic mechanisms to the targeting of the individual him/herself as a responsible, active bearer of economic capability or “human capital”, whereby past socio‐economic conduct and prospective economic activity serve as the thresholds for the entitlement to rights. The essence of the “new” homo economicus of EU free movement law is situated at the intersection of the social and economic, serving as a rational frame for the government of the European mover on the basis of a mutual responsibility between the Union citizen and his/her host Member State towards social and economic activity, self‐sufficiency and integration.     

动物法律人格之否定——兼论动物之法律“物格”

随着德国民法典第 90a条的修正 ,“动物不是物”的规定对法学界带来了巨大的冲击 ,另有环境伦理学有关动物成为权利主体主张的提出 ,似乎动物取得人格权 ,成为权利主体的现实就在面前。但环境伦理学的主张并不能等同于法律学的主张 ,法律人格无法扩张至动物。奥地利、德国、瑞士等国民法典的修正主旨并不是赋予动物以法律人格。不过对动物的法律保护必须加强 ,在民法中应当将其作为一类特殊的物来对待 ,在法律规则的适用上有别于普通物。     

排污权及存在的正当性

排污权作为一种新型权利,是社会发展带来的权利结构变迁的结果。排污权的确定开拓了用市场机制来解决日益严重的环境污染问题的新思路,有利于协调环境保护与经济发展的关系,促进人与自然的和谐。