低自我控制与家庭社会经济地位在青少年犯罪中的作用——我国青少年犯罪成因实证研究初探

本研究分别对以官方统计数据和自我报告法获得的数据进行初步回归分析发现,在影响青少年犯罪的多种因素中,"低自我控制(low self-control)"的解释力最为突出,证实了青春期特有的身心冲突极有可能是导致此人生阶段犯罪(或偏差行为)激增的主要因素。同时我们还发现了家庭社会经济地位在青少年犯罪中的特殊作用。     

拐骗、操纵新疆籍未成年人违法犯罪问题研究

近年来,新疆地区少数违法犯罪分子拐骗、组织、胁迫新疆籍未成年人在内地从事扒窃、抢夺、贩毒等违法犯罪情况日益突出,针对我区拐骗、操纵未成年人违法犯罪的特点,应当尽快完善立法,加大对违法犯罪组织的打击力度,完善被解救未成年人的救助体系,切实保护新疆籍未成年人合法权益,增进民族团结,维护新疆和全国社会治安与稳定。     

青少年犯罪的家庭环境因素及其矫正

家庭结构缺损、家庭教育失职,使家庭不能或不完全能给予子女起码的情感满足和必要的正常社会化教育,导致青少年心理发展出现障碍、社会规范的内化产生偏离以至走上违法犯罪的道路。家庭在预防青少年犯罪中的重要地位和基础性作用是无可取代的,预防青少年犯罪在家庭领域应积极开展家庭教育咨询、营造和谐的家庭环境、全社会应关心帮助缺损家庭的孩子,使他们在身心上得到与健全家庭孩子同等的、健康的发展。     

刑事和解:处理未成年人犯罪案件的有效方式

运用刑事和解处理未成年人犯罪案件不仅必要,而且可能:我国刑事立法一贯坚持以挽救为目的,为处理未成年人犯罪提供了前提;一些地区将刑事和解运用于未成年人犯罪案件,效果显著,起到了示范作用.运用刑事和解处理未成年人犯罪案件,既能保护耒成年犯罪镲人的权益,又能保护被害人的权益.运用刑事和解处理未成年人犯罪案件需注意的问题是:区分刑事案件的性质,确立社会参与原则,明确刑事和解适用的阶段及刑事和解的内容,建立有效的监督机制.     

宽严相济的刑事政策与未成年人犯罪刑罚的适用

宽严相济的刑事政策要求在适用刑罚时要根据实际需要当宽则宽、当严则严,宽严审时、宽严有度。由于未成年人身心发育的特点及犯罪原因的特殊性,对未成年犯科刑时应当体现出轻缓、宽容的一面,对较为严厉且不能实现刑罚目的的无期徒刑、财产刑及资格刑的适用应当作出相应的限制。     

远离辉煌的繁荣:青少年犯罪研究30年

回顾我国青少年犯罪研究30年的历程可以发现,青少年犯罪研究不仅仅推动了青少年犯罪学与犯罪学的产生,还在推动国家和社会公众重视解决青少年犯罪问题、促成矫正主义青少年犯罪观的形成、促进青少年犯罪刑事政策的形成与完善,以及推动未成年人专门立法的诞生、少年司法制度的建立等方面均发挥了重要的作用.与此同时,30年来的青少年犯罪研究也存在着学科独立性的缺失、研究对象界定的悖论、实证研究方法的缺失、青少年犯罪研究专业槽的缺失、青少年犯罪研究各学科之间的隔阂与分裂等严重不足.     

社会化与未成年犯罪根源的相关性研究

未成年人是指未满十八周岁的公民。未成年犯罪,历来是一件令社会及广大公众感到痛惜的事情,究其原因多种多样,但无论源于何种原因的犯罪,都与未成年其自身所经历的早期社会化过程具有高度的相关性。未成年的早期社会化是在两个维度上展开、延伸和发展的,这一社会化过程主要是在家庭中开始并完成的,父母承担了未成年社会化的重要职责,父母是未成年社会化的施教者、引导者和模仿者。关乎未成年早期社会化重任的家庭教育,在未成年的成长和发展中,起着举足轻重的作用,占据着独一无二的地位。家庭教育是未成年社会化链条上极其关键不可或缺的一环,这一环节的任何缺失和错位是导致未成年犯罪的主要根源。     

The State of Citizenship

Books reviewed in this article: Luc, Rouban (ed.) Citizens and the New Governance: Beyond New Public Management Wayne, Hudson and John, Kane (eds) Rethinking Australian Citizenship Birte, Siim Gender and Citizenship: Politics and Agency in France, Britain and Denmark     

The Fate of Citizenship in Post-Westphalia

The article discusses the meaning of citizenship in a situation where the nations-state as we know it, i.e. the Westphalian form of state, is being eroded, thereby losing some of its essential functions. Since, as the argument goes, citizenship is embodied in civil society, and civil society needs a protective shelter in the form of a political authority structure, the decline of the nation-state implies a serious dilemma as far as the maintenance of principles of citizenship and human rights are concerned. The author outlines possible post-Westphalian scenarios, focussing on globalism versus regionalism, and finally argues in favour of what is called 'regional multilateralism' a regionalized world order, facilitating a regional civil society.     

The British Citizenship Test: The Case for Reform

Immigration presents a daunting challenge to successive British governments. The public ranks immigration as one of the leading policy issues after the economy and employment. There is also greater public support for stronger immigration controls than in many other countries. In response, government strategy has included the use of a citizenship test. While the citizenship test is widely acknowledged as one key part of immigration policy, the test has received surprisingly little critical analysis. This article is an attempt to bring greater attention to serious problems with the current test and to offer three recommendations for its revision and reform. First, there is a need to revise and update the citizenship test. Secondly, there is a need to expand the test to include questions about British history and basic law. The third recommendation is more wide‐ranging: it is that we reconsider what we expect new citizens to know more broadly. The citizenship test should not be viewed as a barrier, but as a bridge. The focus should centre on what future citizens should be expected to know rather than how others might be excluded. The test should ensure that future citizens are suitably prepared for citizenship. There is an urgent need to improve the test and this should not be an opportunity wasted for the benefit of both citizens and future citizens alike.     

The Limits of Political Citizenship

Policy makers tend to focus on the extension of citizenship as the primary means by which new populations become incorporated into a society. Although acquiring formal citizenship is necessary in order to participate in many aspects of a state's civic, social, and political life, the extension of legal citizenship is far from a guarantee for full membership. Instead of focusing exclusively on naturalizing immigrants, we need to consider T.H. Marshall's three spheres of citizenship—the civil, political, and social. By extending social elements of citizenship prior to or at the same time as we extend other benefits, we will move towards more complete citizenship for and greater civil and political engagement among all residents in our society—non-citizens, naturalized, and native-born, alike.

The Politics of Dual Citizenship in Hungary

The study reviews the politics underlying the 2004 referendum in Hungary on whether the country should offer extraterritorial, non-resident citizenship to ethnic Hungarians living in the neighboring states of Romania, Slovakia, Serbia-Montenegro and the Ukraine. The study argues that the issue of dual citizenship for ethnic minorities and kin-states in Central and Eastern Europe is quite distinct from the issue of dual citizenship in West European immigration countries. Transborder ethnic relatives make up large proportions of some of the contiguous countries with whom Hungary has a long history of border disputes which is why the Hungarian reform initiative touched upon sensitive issues connected to the sovereignty of these states. In addition, the large size of the non-resident Hungarian population means that their potential Hungarian citizenship would have serious consequences for the Hungarian welfare state, and the determination of the political future of Hungary, where even much smaller numbers of voting non-residents might swing the vote. The article outlines the arguments that were made in favor of the reform by the political right and those against the reform by the left. It examines the initiative from the European Union's perspective and compares the Hungarian case to cases of dual citizenship in other countries of Europe. The article also raises questions about the long-term implications of this form of dual citizenship for the “re-ethnicization” of citizenship.     

The Square of Intimate Citizenship: Some Preliminary Proposals

This exploratory paper suggests some emerging arenas of public debate across the personal life‐from 'test-tube babies' to 'lesbian and gay families'‐which when taken together may be captured by the term 'intimate citizenship'. This suggests a plurality of public discourses developing about how to live the personal and intimate life in a late modern and global world where we are often confronted by an escalating series of choices and difficulties around intimacies. A framework of four key issues is suggested for fuller examination. This entails the changing nature of the public sphere; the growth of culture wars and the need for dialogue; the narrativisation process and grounded moralities; and the links to global intimacies.     

重塑公民:当代中国农民公民身份的考察与反思

无论从何种角度考察,公民首先表现为一种资格,权利与义务的内在规定是其本质的要义所在,只有二者统一,才能外化为公民身份.当代中国农民的公民身份在新中国成立后表现出单向度的特点,税费改革后这个特点发生了逆转,但也使农民的公民身份陷入了困惑.当前,农村社会发生了重大变迁,融入许多新的时代因素,新农险以其法理性契约关系的模式给重塑农民的公民身份以启迪,让我们反思过去,审视当下,积极创造条件以塑造新时代理性的农民公民.