Democracy,Civil Liberties and the Role of Religion after the Arab Awakening: Constitutional Reforms in Tunisia and Morocco

The electoral results following the Arab Awakening have rewarded Islamist parties in Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco. Their arrival in power sparked once more intense scholarly and policy debates related to the relationship between Islamism, democracy and individual rights. This article examines that relationship in the context of the constitutional debates in Morocco and Tunisia, which have seen the prominent role of Islamist parties in attempting to shape the new constitutional charters. What emerges from this analysis is that, in the parties examined, pragmatism plays a greater role than fixed ideological positions.     

Interview: Sultan Bin Zayed Al Nahyan

Sheikh Sultan is deputy prime minister of the United Arab Emirates. This interview, originally published in Arabies Trends, was conducted between July and August 1998 by Joseph A. Kechichian, a member of the National Advisory Committee of the Middle East Policy Council.     

Enlightenment by Fiat: Secularization and Democracy in Turkey

This essay examines the relationship between Indian and Australasian soldiers and colonial Egyptians from 1914–19. Drawing upon memoirs, letters, and the work of Nagib Mahfuz, I argue that the First World War reaffirmed British military rule in Egypt and also posed a danger to it in the form of disorderly soldiers. Because British officials feared the unruly conduct of their troops they promoted manly ideals of self-control to facilitate their control over Egyptian society. Uncontrolled spectacles of wartime violence were therefore critical to the ways in which the British Army deployed masculine behaviour in the service of the colonial state.     

Tunisia and Israel: relations under stress

This article provides an analysis of the relations between Tunisia and Israel. The author argues that Israel's attempt to establish diplomatic relations with Tunisia was motivated largely by its quest to reach the countries in the periphery of the Middle East. In addition, the author argues the Israeli leaders were concerned about the fate of the Jewish community in Tunisia. At the same time, the Tunisian ruling Neo Destour party was motivated by the pragmatic considerations of its leader Habib Bourguiba who sought to pursue a unique policy towards Israel based on a willingness to recognize its existence and a just solution to the Palestinian question. Furthermore, the author argues that although the Tunisian regime criticized Israel for its occupation of Arab territories, the contacts between the two countries never ceased entirely. The bilateral connections reached their climax after 1993, when the Oslo accord between Israel and the Palestinians was signed. Despite the continuing tension, both sides remained interested in keeping the contacts and it was primarily Tunisia's concern for its tourism industry that kept it from severing its relations with Israel. The article also shows that Tunisia's Western orientation had a salutary effect on the bilateral relations.     

Imperialism and Democracy: Convergence and Divergence

This article explores two models of non-state education provision in Myanmar (Burma), in order to draw conclusions regarding templates for ethnic education regimes in this fast-changing country. Ethnic Armed Groups in Myanmar have developed education systems in the context of long-running armed conflicts. This paper examines two such regimes. Karen communities struggle with few resources to educate their children. Despite great difficulties, the Karen National Union has developed a curriculum based upon one Karen dialect, which is employed in about 1,000 schools. Graduates of this education regime are mostly unable to speak fluent Burmese, or to integrate with the Myanmar tertiary education system; they are orientated towards a Karen national identity, rather than Myanmar citizenship. However, with the beginnings of a substantial peace process, Karen educators will need to re-think their implicitly separatist agenda. A comparative case study is offered by the Mon ethnic minority. The New Mon State Party has had a fragile ceasefire since 1995. Some 270 Mon National Schools provide Mon language instruction at elementary levels, shifting to Burmese at middle school. As the Mon Schools follow the government curriculum, with extra classes in Mon language and history-culture, graduates are able to matriculate and enter the nationwide tertiary education system. We argue that the Mon experience can be a useful model for education reform in a transitional Myanmar, as political and civil society leaders negotiate a more decentralised state.     

"亚洲式民主":功能及其限度

"亚洲式民主"是90年代以来引起广泛争议的重大国际学术问题.本文认为,"亚洲式民主"在东亚国家实现经济现代化的过程中发挥了双重功能,即既维持了政治稳定,又促进了经济发展.但另一方面,随着环境和条件的改变,"亚洲式民主"也日益暴露出局限性.文章最后指出,"亚洲式民主"可能是通向自由式民主的一种过渡形态.     

从“自由民主”到“可控民主”:俄罗斯政治体制改革的经济学解析与启示

从"自由民主"到"可控民主"俄罗斯的民主政治改革引起了广泛关注.本文在梳理俄罗斯政治体制改革曲折历程的基础上,力图运用放宽了假定条件的"新比较经济学"分析框架,解读俄罗斯政治体制改革与经济绩效之间的因果关系.文章认为,关于俄罗斯实行"可控民主"制度原因的诸多分析中,历史传统回归论是正确的,所以"可控民主"在俄罗斯将具有持久的生命力.