Economic prosperity or democracy: Dilemma of development in Hong Kong and China

After Hong Kong is integrated with mainland China in July 1997, the economic and political environments of the two places will inevitably link up with each other. Economic modernization significantly not only improves the living conditions of the Chinese, but also alters their social structure and political values. As such, economic prosperity and democracy become the two conflicting values in Hong Kong and China during the transition to 2000. The people of Hong Kong and China are presented a choice over two mutually exclusive targets: economic prosperity vs. democracy. On the one hand, the choice for economic prosperity will imply no democracy because a conservative political system will be maintained to preserve the political status quo. On the other hand, the choice for democracy will imply no economic prosperity, because democratization will be suppressed and hence the economy will suffer as a result of political instability. However, neither of these two choices could offer the people of Hong Kong and China a genuine prosperity and stability. Therefore a congruent relationship between the economy and the political system must be established and maintained. As prosperity is contributed by both economic growth and political stability, neglection of either of these two elements will not result in a long‐lasting prosperity. Thus, economic development and democratization are two complementary rather than contradicting forces on the road to development in China.     

Stock market integration in Hong Kong and China

The Hong Kong Stock Exchange currently ranks sixth in terms of trading volumes in the world while China's fledgling securities industry at Shanghai and Shenzhen Stock Exchanges combined is barely more than 7 years old. With 1997 handover of Hong Kong to China, the securities industries of the two sides ought to integrate into one market. However, the Basic Law governing Hong Kong maintains unchanged British Common Law system as well as the life style of Hong Kong capitalist society, at least for the next 50 years. To understand how the stock exchanges operate under such a situation and how they cooperate in the future is the theme throughout this paper. This paper first describes the market backgrounds separately in Hong Kong and China. It intends to answer how, what and why China needs Hong Kong market and how, what and why Hong Kong, at a different level, needs China's. Then it deals with the interactions or cooperation in the primary market operations. The paper also deals with broader issues such as the RMB convertibility with respect to the integration of the stock exchanges and tries to forecast the future trend in the regional as well as international perspectives. It concludes that as part of the ‘one country, two systems’, the SEHK will be stronger as it has an added value to China's financial window to the world.     

香港地区保释与我国取保候审制度之比较研究

就我国而言,刑事司法领域依然是惩罚犯罪占主导地位,个人人权的保障相对较弱。就审前羁押来说,现阶段的审前羁押有普遍化、超期化的特点,取保候审制度未发挥其应有作用。而香港地区历来具有普通法系的特点,注重人权保障,香港地区的保释制度便是最好例证。＂一国两制＂下,有必要对香港地区保释制度和大陆的取保候审制度进行比较研究,从中明确个中利弊,从而利于构建符合我国实践的审前释放制度,完善我国的法律制度。     

CEPA: a milestone in the economic integration between Hong Kong and Mainland China

Since 1979, when Mainland China began to open up its economy, a process of economic integration has been going on between Hong Kong and Mainland China. The return of Hong Kong to Mainland China in 1997 speeded up the integration process. China's entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) at the end of 2001 further intensified the integration process. In June 2003, CEPA (Closer Economic Participation Arrangement) was signed between Mainland China and Hong Kong, which set a further important milestone in the economic integration between them. In June 2004, the concept of regional economic integration was inaugurated in the Pan-Pearl River Delta Regional Cooperation and Development Forum. This article attempts to review the economic integration process after the signing of CEPA. Issues related to the implementation of CEPA are also examined and discussed. It is hoped that both the Hong Kong business sector and potential foreign investors can have a comprehensive picture of CEPA so that they can design appropriate actions to benefit most from CEPA.     

流动还是留守:家长的选择及其影响因素

本文利用较大规模问卷抽样调查的结果,对农民工子女流动还是留守的选择进行分析.本项研究发现,八成农民工在进城过程中,选择将子女留在家乡成为留守儿童,将子女带进城的只占两成左右.农民工自身的经济资本、文化资本、社会资本以及在城市的适应状况对子女的教育选择有显著性影响.     

论香港政党与香港社会的关系

虽然香港政党产生、发展的历史只有约30年时间,但发展迅速,政党主体结构已比较完善,基本适应社会主要阶层利益表达的需要。由于香港社会存在的政治、阶层和官民三大分野,受制于香港社会分化的现状,政党的社会整合能力比较低。因在参选动力及选举热情等方面存在较大差异,香港工商资产阶层、中产阶层和草根阶层等主要社会阶层政治参与极不均衡,劳工等草根阶层是参与选举的主力军,导致香港政党的政治动员主要集中于基层。     

NGOs in Hong Kong: The present and the future

This study analyzes NGOs’ influence in Hong Kong's political, social, and economic life. It addresses three questions. Firstly, what are their major roles and how effectively can they play them in society? Secondly, how active are these organizations? Finally, how confident are the NGO leaders about their organizations’ future? Based on a telephone survey conducted in August 1996, it finds that NGOs in Hong Kong are characterized not only by common functions but also some unique ones created by the territory's special status. In general, Hong Kong's NGOs are fairly active, which has little to do with the specialization, financial resources, and geographical foci of the organizations. Despite Beijing's explicit guarantee of the freedom of NGO activities, this study reveals that a clear majority of the NGO leaders expressed doubts about their organizations’ future.     

中国香港与内地警察招募制度之比较

香港警察部队是一支在世界上享有较高声誉，并为香港市民所普遍爱戴的香港纪律部队。它在警察人员招募制度方面有着独特的优势。分析和探索香港警察招募制度以及与我国内地警察录用制度进行比较，对我国内地警察招募制度的改革和发展具有积极的借鉴和推动作用。     

Hong Kong in United States‐China relations: The international politics of Hong Kong's reversion to Chinese sovereignty

This article examines the implications of the political transition of Hong Kong on US‐China relations in strategic, political and economic dimensions. It evaluates the impact of Hong Kong's changing status in the context of the engagement‐containment debate on China policy in the US. It suggests that US concerns over questions such as democracy and human rights and China's rejection of foreign interference’ in Hong Kong would turn the territory into a source of political conflict between the US and China. Finally it points out that any major trade confrontation between the two countries would have serious implications for the territory. The article concludes by arguing that if Hong Kong could continue to be a prosperous and free society with a global outlook, it would facilitate China's integration with the global community, but if a reversion to authoritarian rule occurred in Hong Kong, US‐China relations will be aversely affected.     

香港中小企业发展的政府行为分析

中小企业是一个国家和地区经济发展的重要支柱及动力。香港特区政府基于“市场主导,政府辅助”的理念,对中小企业实行“最小的干预,最大的支持”,其措施对我国内地中小企业的发展具有借鉴意义。     

Framing the Democracy Debate in Hong Kong

This article examines the discourses of democracy in the context of political development in Hong Kong during the first 12 years after the 1997 handover using rhetoric and frame analysis. Overall, the study shows how political actors define political options and promote development, which is favourable to their interests and views, through framing democracy in different ways. The study reveals the frames that describe different points of view, and contributes to the understanding of democrats' position as re-framers. The found frames are clustered into paradigmatic framesets that deal with the concrete democracy issue and the political situation in present-day Hong Kong. Consequently, the democracy debate in Hong Kong is organised around two opposite and idealised templates for democracy. The first cluster forms the pro-establishment model, which suggests solutions built around consensus and practical means. The second frameset, mostly used by the pro-democrats, supports the idea of a wider democratic change which entails broad normative changes in politics.     

香港政党与香港特别行政区政府的关系取向

在香港政制架构内,行政长官非政党背景的规定,使任何政党都不能获取最高行政权。香港政党无论是处于履行监督政府职责的考虑,还是应付选举的需要,都需要与政府唱对台戏,但为了反对而反对显然缺乏理性。香港政府与支持性政党之间需要加强联系,双方相互依赖的互动会造就香港特色的政党政府。     

维护和促进人权与建设和谐世界

建设一个持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界,是世界各国人民的共同愿望,也是人类社会进步的必然要求。建设和谐世界需要具备许多必不可少的条件,遵守国际人权法,维护和促进人权即是其中之一。     

香港"边青"工作对我们青少年工作的启示和思考

作为香港青少年社会服务工作的重要组成部分,香港"边缘青少年"工作具有人性化、个体性、实在性等特征,对我们的青少年工作具有很好的启迪和借鉴意义.     

Bond Market Integration: the Chinese Mainland and Hong Kong

This paper seeks to examine the integration of the evolving bond markets in the Chinese Mainland (CM) and Hong Kong (HK). To tap the international pool of capital, the CM government and CM enterprises have issued foreign currency bonds in HK and other developed markets. Since 1998 offshore CM bonds offered to the public have not been denominated in HK dollars probably because of concerns over the stability of HK's linked exchange rate and the differential credit ratings of the two economies. Even though HK has become increasingly well equipped to handle the clearing, settlement and custody of local and foreign currency bonds across its borders, it needs to continue to lobby for and attract CM government and corporate issues of foreign currency bonds (and Rmb bonds, if this were to be permitted) if it is to establish itself as a regional bond centre in Asia.     

A postcolonial reading of the state question in China

The notion of sovereignty in China carries a postcolonial legacy. Earlier Chinese leaders adopted the notion of sovereignty to protect themselves from Western imperialist intrusion. However, not only was their performance as a sovereign state judged against a set of criteria already determined externally, but their sovereign sphere was also constructed too late to avoid the imperialist remnants within China which were established before Chinese could nominally strengthen their sovereign defense. As a result, with every Chinese assertion of their soverign status, there comes the internal reminder that it is subverted. The sense of anxiety and frustration thus created explains China's harsh policy toward Taiwan, a piece of land considered to be Chinese but now searching for independent statehood. Taiwan, once a Japanese colony and then an American Cold War base, has become a permanent reminder to the Chinese leaders of their unwanted historical shame.     

Facts and Figures of Hong Kong

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赴香港培训和考察报告

通过车用燃气加气站管理人员赴香港培训和考察 ,提高了从业人员的素质 ,并借鉴香港地区燃气加气站建设管理方面的成功经验 ,提出我市今后燃气汽车加气站的管理思路。     

Democratization without decentralization: Local government in Hong Kong

The literature on democratization tends to neglect the question of decentralization. The case of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of the People's Republic of China shows that there can be partial democratization without decentralization. Democratization in Hong Kong took place in the mid‐1980s and 1990s, when more directly elected seats were introduced to political institutions at the territorial, municipal and district levels. However, democratization has not been accompanied by an attempt to decentralize administrative and political power to the institutions at the local level. These political institutions, including the Urban Council (UrbCo), Regional Council (RegCo) and District Boards remain relatively weak vis‐à‐vis the executive branch of the government. The recent attempt by the HKSAR government to abolish the UrbCo and RegCo represents a move toward centralization of administrative and political power. Moreover, District Boards remain consultative and politically powerless. It is the dynamic relationship between democratization and decentralization at which future research should be directed.     

施叔青：香港经验和台湾叙事——兼说世界华文创作中的“施叔青现象”

施叔青是出生于台湾、入籍于美国并一度定居于香港的著名作家.在她完成"香港三部曲"之后返归台湾矢志写作"台湾三部曲".本文以施氏返台后创作的两部长篇小说<微醺彩妆>和<行过洛津>("台湾三部曲"之一)作为讨论对象,探讨施氏的香港经验对她台湾叙事的意义、影响和局限,分析此两部作品的特点和不足,并将施氏的"跨越写作"作为世界华文创作中的一种文化现象进行分析.