阿富汗毒品问题及相关国际合作

阿富汗毒品问题在2007年进一步凸显,对阿和平重建进程和地区安全形势构成了巨大挑战.有关解决阿富汗毒品问题的国际合作从2001年阿重建进程之初即已开始,也取得了一定成果,但未能遏制阿毒品的泛滥趋势,其主要原因在反毒政策和重建政策两方面.中国也是阿富汗毒品问题的受害国之一,应更积极地参与相关国际合作.     

Consensus Decisions and Similarity Measures in International Organizations

Voting behavior in international organizations, most notably in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), is often used to infer the similarity of foreign policy preferences of member states. Most of these measures ignore, however, that particular covoting patterns may appear simply by chance (Häge 2011) and that these patterns of agreement (or the absence thereof) are only observable if decisions are reached through roll-call votes. As the relative frequency of roll-call votes changes considerably over time in most international organizations, currently used similarity and affinity measures offer a misleading picture. Based on a complete data set of UNGA resolution decisions, we demonstrate how taking different forms of chance agreement and the relative prevalence of consensus decisions into account affects conclusions about the effect of the similarity of member states’ foreign policy positions on foreign aid allocation.     

国际政治理论范式之争及其重建

文章总结了国际政治几种主要理论范式之争的历史演变过程,分析了两大主流范式的发展及其历史地位,并探讨了21世纪国际政治理论范式重建的可能方向与方式。     

从国际法角度看国际恐怖主义的界定问题

“9·11”国际恐怖主义事件将联合国和整个国际社会的反对恐怖主义斗争推向了高潮。然而 ,在国际法上虽然有一些具体的打击个别恐怖主义行为的公约但却不存在一个普遍接受的国际恐怖主义的定义。这是因为国际法学界对于是否有必要做出一个综合性的“普遍同意的定义”存有较大分歧。联合国组织在与国际恐怖主义行为进行斗争的同时也尝试着界定这个概念 ,但都没有成功。界定国际恐怖主义的主要困难是它具有较强的政治性 ,一些问题 ,例如国家恐怖主义、民族解放运动等等 ,都为界定工作带来实际困难。实际上 ,没有一个综合性的定义并不妨碍对具体的国际恐怖主义行为进行打击。     

华盛顿共识脱魅

一拉丁美洲两种不同的发展战略在过去两个世纪,拉丁美洲已经试验了两种不同的发展战略.在其独立后的第一个百年期间,拉美通过基于初级产品出口的外向型发展战略,追求更多地融人国际贸易体系,面对的是引致周期性金融危机的开放而动荡的资本流入.其结果总体上是积极正面的,而且在第一次世界大战之初,阿根廷的人均收入超过了法国、德国、意大利和西班牙;该地区总体的人均GDP超过了日本,是东亚其他国家平均水平的3倍左右.     

The Strategic Consensus between China and Russia

Ever since China and R ussia established strategic cooperative partnership,each country has had four successive governm ents headed by two different state leaders,along w ith m utual trust being in鄄 creased and the bilateralrelations im proved as well as greater internationalinfluence in the world.Itis noteworthy that the leaders of the two countries have extraordinary consensus and com m on view s on the world strategic situation and the policies to cope w ith the situation,which can be seen…     

The International Criminal Court on trial

This article assesses the structure and operation of the International Criminal Court by setting out a case for the defence of the Court, a case for its prosecution and a verdict. Defenders of the Court suggest it has had a positive impact because: it has accelerated moves away from politics and towards ethics in international relations; it goes a long way towards ending impunity; it is a significant improvement on the previous system of ad hoc tribunals; it has positive spill-over effects onto domestic criminal systems; and because the courage of the prosecutor and trial judges has helped to establish the Court as a force to be reckoned with. Opponents of the Court see it as mired in power politics, too reliant on the United Nations Security Council and on state power to be truly independent; failing to bring peace and perhaps even encouraging conflict; and starting to resemble a neo-colonial project rather than an impartial organ of justice. The verdict on the Court is mixed. It has gone some way to ending impunity and it is certainly an improvement on the ad hoc tribunals. However it is inevitably a political body rather than a purely legal institution, its use as a deterrent is as yet unproven and the expectation that it can bring peace as well as justice is unrealistic.     

国际关系与国际法的关联性剖析

本文首先从法社会学的视角探讨了国际关系与国际法的互动关系,通过对国际关系史和国际法发展史的回顾加以论证,继而依据国际现实批判了导致二者既存矛盾的因素,最后得出了以广义国际观念和全球治理模式来应对国际社会现实的结论。     

Foundations of an Authoritarian Populism in an International Context

The rise of populism, and its subsequent challenge to liberal democratic institutions, is an ongoing feature of twenty-first century global politics. The author contends that providing college students with theoretical tools to untangle the relationship between the logic and practices of domestic populist political movements and liberal democratic institutions empowers them to analyze critically those challenges and consider the extent to which populism is indicative of prior institutional failure. The work of Antonio Gramsci and Ernesto Laclau are used to develop a model of populism appropriate for advanced undergraduate international relations students. The cases of the Tea Party, Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign, Victor Orbán’s rise in Hungary demonstrate the dynamics of the model and its relevance to the study of international relations and foreign policy.     

The Public Relevance of International Security Research in an Era of Globalism

International relations specialists have frequently questioned whether their academic research and teaching has any impact on the real world. The record of success is generally believed to be a spotty one. While there is no denying that academics have informed aspects of policymaking, the concern remains that the great bulk of international studies research is too abstract, specialized, or linguistically incestuous to reach the light of day in policy circles. We argue that the relationship between the pursuit of peace and security and the study of it is more complex than is captured by the classic policy–research divide. The argument rests on two observations: First, to assess the public impact of peace and security studies, one must focus on how practices within a variety of institutional contexts, not just state policies, are transformed. Second, it is not scholarship per se that has a measurable public impact, but the interplay of research, practical innovation, and advocacy. We derive these observations from a review of the work of Social Science Research Council–MacArthur Program fellows over the fifteen-year life of that program.     

The Struggle for Establishing A New International Order

The 20th century is a century when both intra-national order and internationalorder were frequently changing. The struggles have never stopped focusingon setting order. Today with the East-west cold war over for 10 years, there arestill strong appeals for peace and stability, and demands for establishing a newinternational order. The War on Kosovo in the end of the 20th century is a sig-nificant attempt from the U. S. and other major Western powers to set up a newworld order without caring whether by means of force or even of war. This war     

International politics: The continuing search for theory

The decline of the search for a general theory of international politics during the past two decades is generally conceded by scholars. Disillusionment with the search developed out of the conviction that the ambitious efforts of the 1950's proved to be inadequate and unsatisfactory in explaining the complexity of international politics. In recent years scholarly interest has shifted to the development of inductive approaches involving the increasing use of quantitative methods and techniques as an aid to the understanding of international behavior. These efforts have also prompted criticism and dissatisfaction but they continue to dominate research. To correct or reverse this trend and to revive interest in explicit theorizing, Kenneth Waltz in Theory and International Politics has attempted the formulation of a systems theory of international politics using a philosophy of science approach. His purpose is to indicate the relative influence of international system and state forces on international behavior, the variation of causes and effects in different types of international systems and the specification of the elements of international systems. A critical examination of Waltz's work reveals that he has achieved only the last objective primarily because of a pronounced tendency to neglect or minimize the influence of states on the international system and to attribute too much influence to international systems on the behavior of states. The result is at best a theoretical framework but not a rigorously developed systems theory. The writer has modestly attempted a reformulation of Waltz's framework taking into account the increasing importance of the regional level in systems theory. Hypothetical relationships between the global system, regional systems, and states are suggested to draw attention to the interrelationship of levels of analysis in the study of international politics in an effort to promote theoretical coherence if not a general theory of international politics.     

巴基斯坦瓜达尔港对国际安全态势的影响

巴基斯坦政府大规模开发瓜达尔深水港有利于巴经济发展及国内局势稳定,牵动着国际战略博弈的大局。瓜达尔港可望成为地区枢纽港,激活巴地缘优势,全面促进巴经济发展。从长远来说,这些都可望促进俾路支省局势的积极发展,但在短期内也加剧了当地人对人口、就业、经济受益三方面的疑虑。从国际战略博弈来观察,瓜达尔具有重大价值。它有利于巴扩展战略纵深,可望促进中国西部与外界的交通,可望促成部分替代马六甲航线的油气通道。中关印等国高度关注瓜达尔的战略价值。瓜达尔开发前景广阔,但仍面临着地缘因素牵制、基础设施不足、安全局势不稳等不利因素。     

英国伦敦国际战略研究所

英国伦敦国际战略研究所是国际知名的跨国研究机构,成立于1958年。总部设在伦敦,在华盛顿和新加坡分别设立了美国处和亚洲处。研究所管理委员会由来自16个国家的人员组成,科研人员来自100多个国家。现任领导人是弗朗西斯·汉森勃格。英国伦敦国际战略研究所是以研究国际政治和军事冲突为特长的独立研究机构,同时也是一座可以向职业外交家、外交事务分析家、从事国际商务的商人、经济学家、军人、记者、学者和公众提供准确、客观、完整的国际战略问题资料的信息库。英国伦敦国际战略研究所的主要出版物有:《战略概览》、《军事均衡》、《战略…     

非典对当前国际关系的影响

近来,“非典型肺炎”在全球范围内蔓延,成为继2001年“9·11”袭美事件以来又一大震撼世界的非传统国际热点问题。“非典”的冲击和影响已超出一般意义上的卫生防疫范围,波及到世界政治与经济;超出了任何一国的国内问题范围,是当前牵动国际关系大局的一个突出因素。     

论反邪教立法的国际法渊源

国际宗教自由包括宗教信仰自由、宗教信仰表示自由和新兴宗教与传统宗教平等原则。根据有关国际法规定,宗教信仰自由具有绝对性,但宗教信仰表示自由和新兴宗教与传统宗教平等原则分别受宗教表示自由管制立法和宗教信仰市场准入管制立法的管辖,不具有绝对性。该两项管制立法构成包括中国在内世界各国反邪教立法的国际法渊源。     

关于推动“不首先使用核武器”国际机制的探讨

“不首先使用核武器”早在上世纪50年代就被提出,然而至目前为止,除中国明确宣示外还没有其他有核国家做出承诺。究其原因,一是核大国不愿放弃核威胁,二是常规军力相对较弱的有核国家也不愿做出承诺。美国总统奥巴马提出“无核武器世界”倡议,有核国家如首先签订“不首先使用核武器”协议,并形成国际机制,将是人类迈向消灭核武器的第一步。