深入推进司法行政系统党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争

这次全国司法行政系统反腐倡廉建设电视电话会议，是部党组决定召开的一次重要会议。会议全面总结2008年司法行政系统反腐倡廉工作，对2009年反腐倡廉工作作出部署安排。下面，我讲几点意见。     

Campaigning for the Bench: The Corrosive Effects of Campaign Speech?

A new era has emerged in the ways in which candidates for state judicial office campaign. In the past, judicial elections were largely devoid of policy content, with candidates typically touting their judicial experience and other preparation for serving as a judge. Today, in many if not most states, such campaigns are relics of the past. Modern judicial campaigns have adopted many of the practices of candidates for other types of political office, including soliciting campaign contributions, using attack ads, and even making promises about how they will decide issues if elected to the bench. Not surprisingly, this new style of judicial campaigning has caused considerable consternation among observers of the courts, with many fearing that such activity will undermine the very legitimacy of legal institutions. Such fears, however, are grounded in practically no rigorous empirical evidence on the effects of campaign activity on public evaluations of judicial institutions. The purpose of this article is to investigate the effects of campaign activity on the perceived legitimacy of courts. Using survey data drawn from Kentucky, I use both post hoc and experimental methods to assess whether public perceptions of courts are influenced by various sorts of campaign activity. In general, my findings are that different types of campaign activity have quite different consequences. For instance, policy pronouncements by candidates do not undermine judicial legitimacy, whereas policy promises do. Throughout the analysis, I compare perceptions of courts and legislatures, and often find that courts are far less unique than many ordinarily assume. I conclude this article with a discussion of the implications of the findings for the contemporary debate over the use of elections to select judges to the high courts of many of the American states.     

深入开展司法行政系统党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争全面加强司法行政机关领导干部作风建设

2006年,全国司法行政系统在党中央、国务院的正确领导下,坚持以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导,全面落实科学发展观,深入贯彻党的十六大和十六届五中、六中全会精神,贯彻落实中央纪委第六次全会和国务院第四次廉政工作会议精神,认真学习贯彻党章,惩防体系建设进一步推     

作为行政自制手段的区域限批:性质判断与司法控制

《环境保护法》确立了以总量控制为目的的区域限批制度,突破了建设项目环评审批权在行政组织内部的原始分配。赋予省级以上环境保护主管部门启动区域限批的权力,实质上是授权其在特定情况下对下级环境保护主管部门的行政许可实施权进行限制。区域限批决定在性质上属于内部行为,同时由于其可能影响相对人依法取得行政许可的权利,法院可以在对相应的行政许可实施行为的诉讼中审查区域限批决定的合法性。根据法律保留原则,规范性文件不能超出立法授权的目的、范围增设限批情形。而直接依据立法上的区域限批条款作出的限批决定也要接受比例原则的检验。     

Secrets and Lies: The Queen's Proctor and Judicial Investigation of Party Controlled Narratives

Driven by the fear of collusion in the new divorce court, in 1860 Parliament authorized the Queen's Proctor to intervene in divorce suits by rooting out information that the parties left undisclosed. This paper explores the activities of the Queen's Proctor in its first quarter century, revealing both the curious genealogy of community participation in the Queen's Proctor's efforts and the struggle over the definition of collusion. Over time, economic and evidentiary concerns prompted the Queen's Proctor to turn from uncovering collusion to producing evidence of adultery. The Queen's Proctor represents a striking attempt by courts to assess the validity of party-controlled narratives, resulting in surprising practical consequences. Evaluation of narratives quickly devolved into a bright-line test focusing on adultery, with judges following the Queen's Proctor's lead and eschewing discretion.     

投机倒把罪:一个口袋罪的死与生

投机倒把罪属于经济犯罪,而经济犯罪与一个国家的经济体制存在密切的关联性。从1949年到1979年,我国没有制定《刑法》,但在有关政策和规范性文件中,却对投机倒把罪做了规定,成为当时严格的计划经济体制下,惩治破坏计划经济体制的投机倒把行为的主要根据。我国1979年《刑法》规定了投机倒把罪,但对投机倒把行为没有具体规定,主要是通过司法解释进行规定,因而投机倒把罪具有口袋罪的特征。随着从计划经济体制到市场经济体制的发展,投机倒把罪的内涵发生了重大变化。尤其是1997年《刑法》废除了投机倒把罪,代之以非法经营罪。非法经营罪仍然保留了口袋罪的特征,利用《刑法》第225条第4款关于其他非法经营行为的兜底规定,我国立法机关和司法机关不断扩张非法经营罪的范围。从投机倒把罪到非法经营罪的罪名演变,可以视为是我国《刑法》70年历史变迁的一个缩影。     

Metaphor and Metonymy: An Analysis of R.A.V. v. city of St. Paul Minnesota

International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique -     

Redistributing Campaign Funds by U.S. House Members: The Spiraling Costs of the Permanent Campaign

In this article, we document and analyze the increase in the redistribution of campaign funds by U.S. House members during the 1990 through 2000 election cycles. By examining the contribution activity of members' leadership PACs and principal campaign committees, we show that House incumbents substantially increased their contributions to other House candidates and to the congressional campaign committees. The amount of money a member redistributes is a function of that member's institutional position: the greater the position's level of responsibility to the party caucus, the more campaign money the member redistributes, particularly as competition for majority control increases. Also, a member's capacity to raise surplus campaign funds, his or her support for the party's policy positions, and the level of competition for partisan control of the institution all affect the amount the member redistributes.     

保险法上的因果关系认定与司法推理——以意外死亡保险为例

保险法上的因果关系认定,其目的在于界定保险人的赔付责任范围,其背景是保险合同已对保险人的承保范围和除外责任都做出了规定。事实上,在保险案件中,法院在认定因果关系时,往往已融入了对保险合同条款的价值判断。在意外死亡保险中,有关因果关系认定的司法实践充分说明了这一点。在当代社会,法院在认定保险法上的因果关系时,应遵循保护被保险人的合理期待的原则。     

The Politics of Obstruction: Republican Holds in the U.S. Senate

A defining feature of the modern US Senate is obstruction. Almost all pieces of legislation considered in the Senate are affected either directly or indirectly by obstruction. Obstruction takes many forms in the modern Senate, but one of the most prevalent, yet least studied, is the hold. Using a newly created dataset on Republican Senate holds, we cast light on this important practice. Our results suggest that a variety of factors including timing, party status, and a senator's voting record are related to both the prevalence of holds and the success of legislation subject to holds in the Senate.     

死刑复核程序改革与检察机关的介入权

我国死刑复核程序应当进行司法化、诉讼化改革。检察机关作为国家的法律监督机关,在死刑案件的刑事诉讼中,既承担着公诉的职责,也承担着审判监督的职责,应当有权介入作为死刑案件最后一道关口的复核程序。     

深入推进司法行政系统反腐倡廉建设保持司法行政系统党员干部纯洁

这次全国司法行政系统反腐倡廉建设电视电话会议，是部党组决定召开的一次重要会议。刚才，韩亨林同志代表部党组作了工作报告，讲得很好，各地各单位要认真学习。结合实际，抓好落实。     

Keegstra and R.A.V.: A Comparative Analysis of the Canadian and U.S. Approaches to Hate Speech Legislation

This article argues that the similarities and differences in the approaches and outcomes of the Canadian and United States cases on hate speech are reflective of the similarities and differences in two basic worldviews-communitarianism and liberalism. The article briefly explores the two views, sets out the Keegstra and R.A.V. cases and concludes that the approach in Keegstra reflects a communitarian philosophy while the approach in R.A.V. reflects the liberal philosophical position.     

The Right to Be Racist in College: Racist Speech,White Institutional Space,and the First Amendment

Throughout the post–civil rights era, colleges and universities across the United States have periodically experienced explicitly racist incidents on their campuses. From the hurling of racial slurs at students of color, to the hanging of nooses on campus, to students donning Ku Klux Klan outfits or throwing “ghetto” parties that caricaturize communities of color, these incidents challenge the notion that modern racism has changed to a more subtle form, referred to as color‐blind racism. We place these incidents within a broader context of race and institutions, suggesting a connection between overt racist expressions and the more covert elements of neoliberal color‐blind racism. Through a critical discourse analysis of news stories about these incidents, the website of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, and the controlling legal cases involving racist expression on campuses, we suggest that explicitly racist incidents operate in tandem with neoliberal educational policies and color‐blind racism to mark and reinscribe colleges and universities as white institutional spaces.