共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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现代法律中的平等--平等的主体条件、法律平等的本体及价值 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
平等关系的形成有赖于社会成员主体意识的普遍提升 ,在人的关系中 ,任何一方失缺该意识 ,都不可能有平等存在。法律平等是绝对平等与相对平等的统一 ,立法平等是法律平等的本体 ,没有立法平等就没有适法平等。平等是最基本的法的价值 ,也是贯通于其他法价值之中对之具有纠偏、定向作用的价值。 相似文献
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D Orentlicher 《American journal of law & medicine》1989,15(2-3):184-188
Members of the American Medical Association, the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, American Academy of Pediatrics, American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, American Fertility Society, American Medical Women's Association, American Psychiatric Association, and the American Society of Human Genetics have submitted an "amici curiae" brief in support of the appellees of "Webster." The brief did not endorse or oppose the view that the state's interest in fetal health is compelling as fetal viability. Instead, the brief said that: 1) everybody has the right to make medical decisions without the state interfering "up to the point where the state's compelling interest arises;" and 2) even after a compelling interest comes up, state rules must go along with good medical practices. Because some provisions of the Missouri law were not consistent with good medical practice, these provisions were not constitutional. The fetal viability testing requirement would increase risks to the woman and fetus without providing substantial information on viability. The counseling ban would prevent doctors from giving necessary information to pregnant women so that they could make informed decisions. The 1st section of the brief discussed "the medical background of pregnancy and abortion." The earliest age at which a fetus can survive has remained unchanged since "Roe." The medical complications and adverse health effects are fewer from than from childbirth. Abortions have become safer. The brief said that the "right of privacy" is broad enough so that a woman could decide whether or not to end her pregnancy. In "Roe," the Court found that if a woman was going to make a choice about pregnancy, this was the same as other private decisions which are protected in the Constitution. Individual medical decision making is "deeply rooted" in US "history and tradition." Accepted principles are reflected in the fact that the patient has a right to make these decisions based on the "liberty component of the Due Process Clause." Section 188.029 of the Missouri Law would make a doctor do certain tests for fetal viability. They would have no medical value, in most cases, and put a risk on the health of the mother. It was not related to any goal of the state, and was, therefore, unconstitutional. Section 188-205 of Missouri law - which says a doctor can't consult unless the mother's life is endangered was also unconstitutional. 相似文献
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David M. Messick 《Social Justice Research》1997,10(1):35-37
This article examines Rowan’s discussion of my earlier paper (Messick, 1995). His warnings about the naturalistic fallacy
and self-interest are well taken, but they constitute less serious threats to the usefulness of my suggestions than he indicates. 相似文献
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Mahowald MB 《DePaul journal of health care law》2000,3(3-4):495-526
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Feminists have consistently viewed prostitution as a social problem and opposed state regulated or legalized prostitution. However, feminists in different eras have taken conflicting policy stands on the problem. Progressive era feminists and their organizations supported severe state suppression of prostitution. In contrast, contemporary feminist groups join prostitutes in support of decriminalization. Through historical analysis that compares feminist thought and organization of the two eras, this paper offers an explanation of this contradiction in policy positions based on shifts in feminist thought about the role of the state, particularly criminal sanctions, in addressing prostitution, and changes in the organizing strategies of feminists. The paper also offers important insights to contemporary feminists contemplating policy stands which rely on legal sanctions as a strategy and facilitate alliances with moral crusaders to redress social problems. 相似文献
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The House of Lords’ decision in R. (on the application of Begum) v. The Headteacher and Governors of Denbigh High School considered whether a particular school uniform policy infringed a student's right to manifest her religion under Article 9. This paper analyses the content of this decision, and explores how schools should approach the issue of balancing reglious rights with other interests in designing their uniform policy. 相似文献
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