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1.
乌克兰自独立以来,政治民粹主义伴随其政治经济转型进程不断蔓延加剧。进入21世纪,虽然民粹主义政党和运动出现仅十几年,但乌克兰已然成为后苏联空间中遭遇民粹主义浪潮席卷的突出案例。在经历了2014年的政治危机和持续的顿巴斯冲突后,乌克兰政治逐步进入了民粹主义全面盛行的新阶段。乌克兰民粹主义相较整个欧洲区域具有一些显著的特征,主要表现在:反精英和反建制的极端化,强烈的反民主属性和家长制政府偏好,分裂矛盾的意识形态,过度渲染和营造社会危机,以及盲目的区域一体化期待。究其成因,可归结于该国历史上对统治精英外来化的认知,独立后缺乏新的民族国家认知与主流意识形态,团结主义的政治文化传统,以及整个社会对阶层分化和等级制度的共识。这种特殊的民粹主义,将对乌克兰政治持续产生一系列负面影响。 相似文献
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Robert Olson 《中东政策》2002,9(2):111-129
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Eui Hang Shin 《East Asia》1999,17(3):28-60
The primary purpose of this study is to analyze the political orientations of the Korean middle classes as they were manifested
in their voting behavior in the general and presidential elections. In addition, the present study examines the nature of
the involvement of the middle classes in the context of each of the major historical events since the liberation from the
Japanese colonial rule. The event-specific analysis of the middle class participation made it possible to test the fitness
of different hypotheses about the political orientation of the Korean middle classes. With few notable exceptions, the middle
classes had not been actively involved in protest movements. Rather, they rely on the democratic political systems to passively
promote their own agenda and political transformation. Overall, the middle classes have remained a substantial and silent
force, with the potential to be backbone of stability or the engine for change. Their force has been felt strongest in the
general and presidential elections, where their support for or opposition to, the ruling party has consistently determined
the outcomes. With the growth of voluntary associations representing a wide variety of causes, the middle classes' strength
may be diluted somewhat by the number of issues for protest. A cause that finds support across the middle class
An earlier version this article was presented at the Conference on “The Republic of Korea After 50 Years: Continuity and Convergence,”
Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., October 2–3, 1998. 相似文献
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Michael Weinzierl 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(2):167-180
SUMMARYDaniel O'Connell (Cahersiveen 1775–Genoa 1847), Irish politician and patriot, fought for Catholic emancipation, and to repeal the penal laws discriminating Irish Catholics and the 1800 Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland (effective from 1 January 1801). Believing firmly in non-violence, he defended the representation of Irish Catholics in parliament as the most appropriate instrument to support their rights. His thoughts and actions were widespread and known in Italy and Europe while some Catholics were arguing about a possible reconciliation between religion and freedom and on the resulting openness to the principles of democracy and to the problem of representation. The Theatine Gioacchino Ventura (1792–1861) from Palermo, one of the leaders of the Sicilian revolution of 1848, was a great admirer of O'Connell, so much so that after his death he delivered a funeral eulogy at Sant'Andrea della Valle Church in Rome. Ventura, recognized among the precursors of the current liberal and democratic Italian Catholic movement, shared the causes embraced by O'Connell and he considered him to be the first mediator between Church and modern society. He believed that O'Connell was a champion of liberalism who had succeeded in combining nationalistic reason with freedom, the right to vote and the eligibility of Catholics. Following Ventura, Luigi Sturzo (1871–1959), another member of the Italian Catholic movement and founder of the first Catholic party (PPI), was inspired by the political experience of O'Connell, considering him to be the forerunner of constitutional Catholics on the continent. Sturzo worked for the inclusion of Catholics in the state political structures, contributing to the realization of full democracy. 相似文献
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Nankyung Choi 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(3):326-345
This essay examines the dynamics and outcomes of Indonesia's first-ever direct local executive elections in a case study of the gubernatorial election in the Riau Archipelago. Specifically, the essay examines the election process, identifies the major issues before, during and after the elections, and assesses voters' participation. The essay then examines the ways direct local executive elections have affected the dynamics of local politics in the country. Overall, this essay aims to further develop our understanding of political dynamics in the Riau Archipelago and grasp the practical significance of local political change in Indonesia more broadly. 相似文献
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Thomas Kern 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2003,13(3):325-347
Am Fallbeispiel der südkoreanischen Demokratiebewegung geht es um die Frage, wie sich die kollektive Erinnerung an vergangene Ereignisse (?Memory Frame“) auf den Verlauf von Protestwellen auswirkt. Der Artikel beginnt mit einer Diskussion von Sewells ?Eventful History“-Ansatz. Davon ausgehend wird im zweiten Schritt das Konzept der Memory Frames entwickelt, das der Analyse von Geschichtskonstruktionen in Protestbewegungen dient. Im dritten Schritt werden die Memory Frames der vormodernen Choson-Dynastie, der Nachkriegsdiktaturen und der Demokratiebewegung einander gegenüber gestellt. Im vierten Schritt geht es darum, welche historischen Ereignisse für den Memory Frame der Demokratiebewegung ausschlaggebend waren. Im fünften Schritt wird gezeigt, wie sich mit dem Konzept der Memory Frames der rhythmische Verlauf von Protestwellen in Südkorea (1981–1986) erklären lässt. Die Untersuchung mündet schließlich in dem Ergebnis, dass die regelmäßigen Rhythmen auf einem eigendynamischen Kreislauf aus Erinnerung, Protest, Konfrontation und Bestätigung beruhten. 相似文献
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Most accounts of the turmoil that shook Argentina in 2001–2 focused on the harmful impact of the financial environment, imprudent policymaking, and institutional weaknesses. These explanations paid little attention to the cultural frames and cognitive patterns that underlie the connection between civil society and political society. Based on a discourse analysis of Internet forums and presidential speeches, this article argues that the Argentine crisis cannot be fully grasped without considering the link between collective behavior and ingrained conceptions of national identity. The analysis finds that national myths and definitional questions of national purpose are key factors in the way citizens behave in the context of an economic and political crisis. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTThe present article is part of a broader effort to understand and analyse the relationship between formal and informal norms and institutions in the Balkans. Free and fair elections are a central component of any functioning democracy and, in the case of Albania, an essential element of its EU accession process. Elections can also be affected by political clientelism, which puts their outcomes’ credibility into question. Political clientelism is a principal sector of informal relations and practices and informal and/or illegal funding of electoral campaigns are identified as its key mechanisms. This article addresses a number of issues related to clientelist practices and private funding of electoral campaigns, focusing on the general parliamentary elections of June 2017. The main research question investigates the ways in which private funding of electoral campaigns works in practice. Based on data gathered through ethnographic fieldwork, interviews, reports on the electoral process, and other secondary sources, we argue that informal clientelist practices permeating private funding of electoral campaigns enable political parties to further and strengthen clientelist relations and to influence the electoral result. 相似文献
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MARINA GOLD 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2014,33(4):405-418
Private urban agricultural ventures, initially a spontaneous response to food shortages during the Special Period, soon became a state‐sponsored project, related to global notions of sustainability. This article explores the relationship between sustainability discourse and its local dimensions to reveal the role of sustainability in the reformulation of the Revolution. Urban gardeners engage with international discourses of sustainability and interact with the Cuban state's articulation of these discourses. While this process forces urban gardeners to adapt to the changing meanings of growing food, it also provides a different language through which gardeners define themselves, especially in the context of a changing relationship with the state. 相似文献
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《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(2):239-261
This paper focuses on two different argumentative strategies for dealing with a regional variety of Estonian, one of which may discourage the use of South Estonian in favor of Estonian, while another legitimates the lesser-used regional variety. These argumentative strategies are studied by critical discourse analysis (CDA) of six articles in Estonian language newspapers and magazines published in 2004–2005. The use of South Estonian is discouraged by presenting real or imagined threats that it will undermine Estonian. This discourse also parallels the Estonian-Russian majority-minority discourse of recent years by employing zero-sum arguments of the Estonian language losing to Russian as a consequence of the recognition of South Estonian. Language ideologies, which also construct some varieties worthier than others, re-enforce an essentialist representation of separate languages. This representation will work toward suppressing linguistic variation. 相似文献
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Now that racism has been officially recognized in Brazil, and some universities have adopted affirmative-action admission policies, measures of the magnitude of racial inequality and analyses that identify the factors associated with changes in racial disparities over time assume particular relevance to the conduct of public debate. This study uses census data from 1950 to 2000 to estimate the probability of death in the early years of life, a robust indicator of the standard of living among the white and Afro-Brazilian populations. Associated estimates of the average number of years of life expectancy at birth show that the 6.6-year advantage that the white population enjoyed in the 1950s remained virtually unchanged throughout the second half of the twentieth century, despite the significant improvements that accrued to both racial groups. The application of multivariate techniques to samples selected from the 1960, 1980, and 2000 census enumerations further shows that, controlling for key determinants of child survival, the white mortality advantage persisted and even increased somewhat in 2000. The article discusses evidence of continued racial inequality during an era of deep transformation in social structure, with reference to the challenges of skin color classification in a multiracial society and the evolution of debates about color, class, and discrimination in Brazil. 相似文献
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Ana Carolina Vimieiro Gomes André Luiz Dos Santos Silva 《Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies》2019,25(1):81-103
Th present article deals with the visual culture present in the books and textbooks on biotypology in Brazil, in the 1930s and 1940s. It analyses the representations of bodies in images, all of which were employed to guide people on the reasoning and practices of bodily measurement and classification according to the main biotypology approaches. Images herein discussed expressed the following scientific modus operandi of biotypology in Brazil: anthropometry, biometry and the construction of an average body; categorisation of biotypes, physical culture and classic aesthetic; and the link between normality, beauty and moral conceptions applied to women’s body features. This analysis also seeks to shed light on some of the ways in which biotypology strayed from and was consistent with eugenic discourse in Brazil. The representation of bodies in Brazilian biotypology showed the efforts to construct normal and deviant bodies defined according to ideals of national and racial identity, perfection, symmetry, harmony, goodness, fairness, femininity and beauty. 相似文献
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David Crow 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2005,24(1):1-22
This article aims to amplify our portrait of the Mexican electorate by examining the ways in which Mexican electors distributed their votes among the parties during 1994–2000, both over successive elections (volatility) and in the same election (ballot splitting). Aggregate and survey data revealed that Mexicans engaged in these two forms of electoral behaviour frequently, indicators of an electorate in flux. Regression analysis indicated that, contrary to the expectation that the politically sophisticated differentiated their votes, virtually all parts of Mexican society were equally likely to switch parties and split tickets. 相似文献
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Nationalism has been a key, but generally overlooked, component of twentieth‐century Paraguayan politics and an important explanatory factor in the country’s political outcomes. Indeed, it has been central to the struggle for political power, most significantly to the continuing hegemony of the Colorado Party. This article traces the development of the Paraguayan Left, highlighting its structural and functional weaknesses, and analyses its relationship with nationalism, in particular with the dominant Colorado nationalist discourse. It argues that an important failure of the Left – and indeed other political parties and movements – has been its inability to produce a successful challenge to this hegemonic discourse. 相似文献
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Livelihoods in transition: changing land use strategies and ecological implications in a post-Soviet setting (Kyrgyzstan) 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
The sudden independence of Kyrgyzstan from the Soviet Union in 1991 led to a total rupture of industrial and agricultural production. Based on empirical data, this study seeks to identify key land use transformation processes since the late 1980s, their impact on people's livelihoods and the implication for natural resources in the communes of Tosh Bulak and Saz, located in the Sokuluk River Basin on the northern slope of the Kyrgyz Range. Using the concept of the sustainable livelihood approach as an analytical framework, three different livelihood strategies were identified: (1) An accumulation strategy applied by wealthy households where renting and/or buying of land is a key element; they are the only household category capable of venturing into rain fed agriculture. (2) A preserving strategy involving mainly intermediate households who are not able to buy or rent additional agricultural land; very often they are forced to return their land to the commune or sell it to wealthier households. (3) A coping strategy including mainly poor households consisting of elderly pensioners or headed by single mothers; due to their limited labour and economic power, agricultural production is very low and hardly covers subsistence needs; pensions and social allowances form the backbone of these livelihoods. Ecological assessments have shown that the forage productivity of remote high mountain pastures has increased from 5 to 22 per cent since 1978. At the same time forage productivity on pre-mountain and mountain pastures close to villages has generally decreased from 1 to 34 per cent. It seems that the main avenues for livelihoods to increase their wealth are to be found in the agricultural sector by controlling more and mainly irrigated land as well as by increasing livestock. The losers in this process are thus those households unable to keep or exploit their arable land or to benefit from new agricultural land. Ensuring access to land for the poor is therefore imperative in order to combat rural poverty and socio-economic disparities in rural Kyrgyzstan. 相似文献