三木内阁的“等距离外交”与中日缔约谈判

三木内阁试图利用中苏矛盾在两国之间奉行“等距离外交”,一方面表示要全力推进中日缔约,稳步发展中日友好关系,以此提高对苏交涉地位;另一方面又不想开罪苏联,在中日缔约上施加种种限制,积极推动日苏对话,以增加对关战略博弈的资本,加重对中国谈判的筹码。三木内阁企图从中苏对抗中渔翁得利、两头通吃的作法反而使日本在苏联的压力下陷入被动,也引起了美国的反感和否定,从而使其推行的“等距离外交”在实践中四处碰壁,而不得不草草收场。     

中俄睦邻友好合作条约与中俄关系

本文以中俄睦邻友好合作条约的签定为主题,探讨了三个方面的问题:条约签定的条件,条约的意义和内容分析,条约签定之后中俄关系的课题。本文认为中俄关系10年发展的积累、两国对外战略的形成、俄罗斯国内政治的稳定是促使中俄睦邻友好合作条约签定基本因素;中俄睦邻友好合作条约的意义,其一是总结过去,梳理两国关系已取得的成果并以国家间条约的形式加以巩固,其二是面向未来,为两国关系的远景奠定可靠的基础。另外,本文探讨了中俄睦邻友好合作条约签定之后两国关系面临的主要课题。     

浅谈中国加入《东南亚友好合作条约》对亚太安全的影响

今年10月6日,在印尼巴厘岛举行的中国与东盟10+1峰会上,中国正式加入《东南亚友好合作条约》。这一重要事件不仅标志着中国与东盟关系进入了一个新的发展阶段,而且将对亚太安全产生重要影响。其影响主要体现在:有利于中国与东盟国家和平解决争端,共同承担起维护亚太地区安全的责任;推动预防外交的开展,有利于在亚太地区建立冲突预防机制;促使亚太地区大国调整安全关系,更加强调相互依赖与合作;推动亚太安全合作朝合作安全的方向发展。     

日俄战争与《满洲日日新闻》的创刊

日俄战争为日本在东北实施舆论操纵、殖民文化、经济统治创造了机遇、提供了土壤。《满洲日日新闻》的创刊吹起了日本向东北实施殖民统治的舆论号角,将日本对东北的殖民文化渗透在舆论宣传上推向了极致。战争的胜利为该报赖以生存的环境注入了活力,为其长期的发展、存续提供了坚实的保障。加快加大日本在该地区舆论导向步伐的同时,也加快了东北沦为殖民地的进程,更为日后日本对东北实施武力入侵、经济掠夺赢得话语权并提供了坚实的理论基础和声援保障。     

国际谈判中的议题联系

议题联系作为一种常见的谈判行为,是国际谈判研究领域的重要议题,被众多学者所研究.本文对这些研究成果作了较为系统、全面的梳理,并对有些争论做出简要的评论.在这些研究中,讨论最多的是议题联系行为对国际政治谈判所发挥的作用,而对影响议题联系的条件,以及这些条件是如何发生作用的则研究比较少,这与国际谈判中影响因素复杂和缺乏系统分析框架密切相关.     

How China Seeks to Foster an Asia‐Pacific Security Community: Peace through Consultation,Cooperation and Co‐development

Faced by increasing challenges to its national security and development, China has taken active measures to improve its security position in the Asia‐Pacific and to foster a lasting and commonly‐beneficial regional security order based on its “New Asian Security Concept”, highlighting common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable peace. Though the Chinese government tends to follow a bilateral rather than collective approach to consolidate its regional security stance for the time being, one can expect China to push forward an all‐inclusive and comprehensive platform for enhanced collective security. Yet China will not pursue a completely new security order to replace the old one. Instead, it is taking a pragmatic and incremental approach to shape the necessary environment for the evolution of the US‐led hegemonic order into a more pluralistic, inclusive, and comprehensive one, where peace and security are guaranteed through closer political consultation and more integrated economic and social development among regional countries. If Sino‐US relations can be well managed and China keeps projecting its growing power in a restrained and contributive way to provide more public goods for regional peace and development, then one can hope for an Asia‐Pacific security community to take shape in the coming decades.     

从越南第12次南海国际学术研讨会看南海问题与国际传播话语权的炒作

作为海洋战略实施的具体措施之一,十多年来越南外交研究机构持续主持召开关于南海(越南称"东海")的国际学术研讨会,已形成一种较为稳定的机制。第12次南海国际学术研讨会是在越南因应新冠肺炎疫情冲击、世界和南海地区形势发生重大变化的背景下召开的,呈现出了一些不同于以往各届会议的新特点。越南主流媒体对此次会议给予了较多关注和宣传报道,力图表现出研讨会的所谓"公正性""学术性""法理性"特点,反映出的意愿则是服务于攫取和扩展自身海洋权益的目的,并与美国关于南海问题的声明立场相呼应。举办方试图通过国际学术研讨会平台的形式,渲染南海复杂和严峻的形势,推卸在南海制造麻烦和分歧的责任,宣扬其南海政策主张,寻求影响和主导在南海问题上的国际传播话语权。维护南海的和平、合作与发展是南海区域国家和东盟的共同愿景,推动这一愿景的落实是各方的责任,越南需要拿出切实的诚意和实际行动,不能仅仅停留在口头上,其媒体也应该发挥出更多的建设性作用。     

From Ambivalence to Influence: Australia and the Negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty

In early 1967 it appeared that the Eighteen Nation Disarmament Committee in Geneva would successfully negotiate a multilateral treaty to curb global proliferation of nuclear weapons. This triggered an urgent review by the Australian Government of its policies on the civil and military applications of nuclear technology. The need to build a coherent response to a US expectation that its Pacific ally would sign the prospective Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty imposed discipline upon a hitherto ad hoc approach to nuclear policy development. Those in the new Gorton Government and the nuclear science bureaucracy who advocated the embrace of nuclear technology—in both its civil and military applications—fought, and ultimately lost, a battle against proponents of the NPT. The resolution of the struggle for supremacy within elements of the policy community impelled the Government to demand and receive concessions from the USA. Originally silent on how the NPT might be interpreted and operationalised in order to maximise support, the US now shared its views with the members of the Western Alliance. US willingness to compromise with Australia in this way exceeded what its Pacific ally had cause to expect and illustrates that middle powers can wield influence on a global scale when circumstances permit.     

越南劳动者罢工制度探析

越南<劳动法>确立了劳动者的罢工权,罢工权的行使只适用于集体劳动关系纠纷.对于罢工的合法性,相关主体可以请求法院进行审查,这有利于集体劳动关系纠纷得到公正解决.近年来,越南政府通过强化立法进一步限制非法罢工,其目的是为了避免非法罢工事件的频繁发生,以利于开放政策的顺利实施.     

Winning the Peace: Australia's Campaign to Change the Asia‐Pacific

Winning the Peace: Australia's Campaign to Change the Asia‐Pacific. By Andrew Carr (Carlton: Melbourne University Press, 2015), pp.viii + 336, AU$59.99 (pb).     

The Paris Peace Conference and the Armenian arguments on Garabagh

The South Caucasus, which includes Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, is one of the most challenging regions in the world, owing to its long-lasting and ongoing conflicts. One of these conflicts is between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the current stage of which has continued for 25 years without any prospect of a settlement in the near future. For a better understanding of this conflict it is necessary to go back to 1918 and 1919, which witnessed the emergence of the first Azerbaijan and Armenian Republics. The article examines and assesses the ethnic, historical, economic, geographical and security arguments submitted by the Armenian government to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 to substantiate its vision of territorial delimitation between Armenia and Azerbaijan regarding Garabagh. The article argues that Armenian nationalism was ethnic nationalism and that the Armenian government constructed politically motivated arguments to substantiate its claims to Garabagh, which were part of its nationalist aim of constructing an Armenian ‘ethno-nation’ in the area from the Mediterranean to Garabagh.