欧盟宪治:一种亚国家主义的解读

欧盟宪法的出现,为欧洲治理提供了全新的思路,也预示着法律在区域层次的治理中能够发挥更大的作用,欧盟宪法为何能产生,这种新的法律诞生的背景是什么?这样一部旨在独立国家主体间调节的亚国家主义性质的宪法究竟能发挥多大的作用,它又将遭遇什么问题?本文试图从欧洲治理以及欧盟宪法的性质特点、目前所遭遇的困境以及其前景等方面加以分析。     

欧盟宪治:一种宪政法理学解读

<欧盟宪法条约>在2005年遭遇挫折,原因是多方面的,或许民主的因素不可忽视,当然这还涉及到人们刘欧盟性质、特征以及宪法条约文本的理解.欧盟立宪应当是一个社会互动的过程,包括民众在内的各种社会力量通过谈判达成共识,这样产生的宪法才是一部欧洲人民的宪法,而非仅仅是一部欧洲国家间的宪法,也唯有如此才可能构建新的宪政秩序.而宪政法理学为我们研究欧盟立宪问题提供了概念分析工具.     

宪政理论范式转换及中国宪法学的回应

宪法学作为社会科学的分支,会随着时代的变化而转换研究范式。宪政理论研究范式大致经历了两种范式转换:近现代古典自由主义模式和当代新宪政主义模式。特定的语境和历史场境赋予了西方宪政概念及其理论自身的内在规定性与特定的理论定位和功能。宪政理论要想成为中国宪法学的理论,必须完成其概念和理论范式的转换。宪法秩序概念及理论涵盖了宪法运作现象的不同形态和不同层面,是对整个宪法运作现象和事实的全局性理论把握和综观性理性反映。它能够克服西方宪政理论的不足,体现中国宪法学对这种不足的回应,是宪政理论和概念范式转换的一种尝试。     

宪法学何以成为一门科学?——评张千帆教授《宪法学导论:原理与应用》

宪法学何以成为一门科学?张千帆教授的《宪法学导论:原理与应用》一书从五个方面给予了解答:宪法学研究的科学化首先要求运用科学的研究方法;宪法学理论体系的建构应该具有内在的逻辑性;宪法学只有基于事实和证据展开论证和研究,才可能得出客观的、具有说服力的结论;宪法学必须在继承前人研究成果的基础上,将宪法理论应用于中国问题的探讨,从而实现在继承中发展;科学的宪法学追求人格化的真理。该著作的研究表明:宪法学应该、也能够成为一门严格的社会科学。     

欧盟刑事一体化的起源与发展

欧洲一体化是在经济一体化基础上渐次开展的政治一体化,外交防务一体化,而刑事一体化则是政治一体化框架下的一项重要内容。以时间为发展脉络,归纳、描述欧洲刑事一体化的提出、发展、创新及逐步完善,并借以评价欧盟刑事一体化为国际刑事合作和区域间刑事合作所提供的范例作用。     

制宪、建国与司法审查——美国1787 年《宪法》的结构与司法审查在其中的位置

宪法是一个政治结构。美国宪法诞生于18 世纪,对它来说,如何能够合众为一,将十三个分散的“主权人民”联合为一个统一的“美国人民”是从独立之后一直到内战期间的核心问题。联邦主义是这个政治结构的核心。对于美国宪法中任何特定的制度,包括司法审查制度,都必须以这个背景和框架作为基本的出发点来进行理解。只有从联邦主义的角度出发,我们才能够真正明晰司法审查在制宪后大约一百年间的美国历史和美国宪制中所处的位置,即维护联邦的统一,约束各州的离心力。     

革命、改革与宪制:“八二宪法”及其演进逻辑 一种政治宪法学的解读

本文基于政治宪法学立场,在百年中国宪政历史的脉络中,阐释了"八二宪法"的复调结构、改革属性以及演进逻辑。"八二宪法"的颁行既在于拨乱反正,又在于为改革开放提供宪政结构,因此内含着多重逻辑,特别展现为革命与去革命的二重奏以及主权的三重肉身,正因为如此,"八二宪法"实际上是去革命的改革宪法,四个修正案充分展现了改革宪法的属性以及内在演进逻辑,并旧瓶装新酒地内化出一种新的宪政设计。     

反思欧盟制宪实践——哈贝马斯式的视角

在质料意义上而言,欧盟已经存在有宪政雏形。哈贝马斯认为,制宪将会促成欧洲范围内全方位、多层次的大辩论,为各国协商对话和沟通创造契机,产生政治公共领域,培育共同政治文化。文章指出,一部形式和规范意义上的欧盟宪法是社会治理系统工程的开端和象征,代表着一种新秩序,无论是在欧盟内部还是在世界舞台上。     

中国的宪法至上:怎样才能实现:中国宪法学研究会副会长周叶中教授访谈录

见到年轻的周叶中教授,你会惊讶于他的实际年龄与他丰厚学术成果之反差。的确,在武汉大学,在珞珈山下,在宪法学会,他的确是一个亮点,一个令人注目的亮点,一个受人尊敬的教授,一个让人钦佩的学者。深秋时节,我专程前往武大,与刚刚由武大法学院副院长转任武大教务处长的周叶中教授,就中国的宪法研究和实践,展开了一番炉边对话。我们穿行在美丽的武大校园,徜徉于广阔的学术空间,不知不觉,我们感到了一种神圣,一种信心。     

欧洲公民认同与欧洲一体化浅析

欧洲公民认同是一种新型的认同形式,是对现有欧洲民族认同的一种超越。本文探讨了在欧盟合法性日益受到质疑的形势下,公民认同对提高欧洲人民对欧洲一体化的情感支持和向心力具有什么重要的作用和意义。     

Political Constitutionalism and the European Union

What kind of constitution is emerging in Europe? There are two approaches to answering this question. The first, a ‘foundational’ approach, rejects the premise: there can be no real constitution in the absence of a ‘demos’, a foundation which exists only nationally. The second, ‘freestanding’ approach, depicts it as paradigmatic of a broader phenomenon of cosmopolitan constitutionalism, based on individual rights guaranteed through a transnational rule of law. Rejecting both for their failure to account for European constitutionalism as a historical process of polity‐building, a third approach, ‘political constitutionalism’, is proposed, capturing the dynamic quality of constitutionalisation in the EU. From this perspective, what is emerging in Europe is a constitution that reflects a common good (predominantly conceived in economic terms), albeit one which is legally, political and socially contested. It is by capturing this complex picture of the political formation of Europe that the constitutional question will be most fruitfully pursued.     

Joint Dynamics of Legal and Economic Integration in the European Union

We evaluate the causal linkages between the economic and legal integration process that has characterised the formation of the European Union. Specifically, using the frequency of national references for preliminary rulings sent to the European Court of Justice as a measure of legal integration we investigate its joint dynamics with the expansion of intra-EU trade over the 1960–1998 time period. Our objective is to formally test whether any such linkages exist and the direction within which they have operated.     

论欧盟宪法危机认知之理论方法

如何看待所谓的欧盟宪法危机,在很大程度上是一种理论分析形态选择的问题。分析欧盟这一政治体系或者政治体的各种理论,其共同之处在于解释欧盟现象因何而生又如何发展的问题。欧盟宪政的发展过程实际上就是欧盟法律人格丰富与健全的过程。分析欧盟法律人格的构成因素以及各个因素之间的逻辑联系,既能解释欧盟宪政的历史演进,又能分析目前欧盟宪法危机的症结所在。欧盟法律人格构成因素的丰富与强健,既是欧盟宪政发展的动力之一,同时也给欧盟宪政发展带来了挑战,无论是保持欧盟发展的动力还是避免欧盟宪政发展所遇到的挑战,都依赖于欧盟法律人格构成的三个因素———规制性支柱、规范性支柱与认知性支柱———之间的平衡。     

1982年宪法立宪目的分析与思考

1982年宪法在总体上说是一部新中国成立以来最完善的宪法,其立宪目的基本分为四个方面,即确立四项基本原则、确立国家的根本任务、确立列举与概括的政府权力体制以及确立违法主体与违宪主体一体的模式。将1982年宪法的立宪目的与普遍主义的宪法目的相比较,发现它们在立宪目的上存在着差异。如何改进宪法中存在的问题,当是今后中国特色社会主义宪政发展必须认真面对和解决的问题。     

The Constitution's Gift? A Deliberative Democratic Analysis of Constitution Making in the European Union1

Abstract: Our aim in this article is to consider whether the Union's deliberation over and decision‐making on constitutional norms, can contribute to render it more democratic. From a normative perspective, the way a constitution is forged has deep implications for its democratic legitimacy. In light of recent events, we consider how procedural changes in constitution‐making might contribute to rectify the Union's democratic deficit. To do so we first develop a thin model of constitution‐making based on the central tenets of deliberative democracy. Through this we seek to outline how a legitimate constitution‐making process will look from a deliberative democratic perspective. Second, we distil out some of the core characteristics of the Intergovernmental Conference (hereafter, IGC) model and assess this against the normative model, to establish the democratic quality of the IGC model. Third, we assess the current Laeken process by means of spelling out the central tenets of this mode of constitution‐making, and we assess it in relation to the normative standards of the deliberative model. In the fourth and final step, we consider what contribution constitution‐making might make to the handling of the EU's legitimacy deficit(s). We find that the Laeken process, in contrast to previous IGCs, was explicitly framed as a matter of constitution‐making. It carried further the democratization of constitution‐making, through its heightened degree of inclusivity and transparency. However, when considered in relation to the deliberative‐democratic model, it is clear that the Laeken Constitutional Treaty cannot be accorded the full dignity of a democratic constitution. The Constitutional Treaty can however lay the foundations for We the European people to speak.     

Group Size, Group Heterogeneity, and Voting Rules: An Application of the Buchanan-Tullock Model to the European Union

In The Calculus of Consent, Buchanan and Tullock develop a theory of voting rules in which the optimal rule is determined by minimizing the sum of voters' external and decision costs. Other researchers have extended the Buchanan-Tullock model to include the effects of group size and heterogeneity on external and decision costs and, subsequently, on the optimal voting rule. Despite the prominence of the Buchanan-Tullock model in the constitutional, legal, and public-choice literature, their theory has not (to our knowledge) been tested. In this paper we test the Buchanan-Tullock model by examining the establishment and evolution of voting rules in the European Union. Over the past four decades, the European Union has experienced significant changes in number and heterogeneity, and we interpret the general movement towards, and call for, less inclusive voting rules as support for Buchanan and Tullock's original theory.     

Product Liability in the European Union: Compensation and Deterrence Issues

In Europe a common standard of strict liability has been introduced with the European directive 85/374. The implementation of this Directive has not led to an expansion of product liability cases. Moreover neither the product nor the insurance market has been dislocated as in the United States. Both the fact that most liability cases continue to be discussed under national legislation—even when it is based on liability with fault—and the different price of insurance in Eurpean Countries show that the directive did not reach its harmonisation goals. We discuss the optional provisions that limit strict liability under the directive, but claim that the scarce impact of liability laws—in spite of increasing concerns for product safety—may be due to compensation provided by the Welfare State and to the cost of access to justice in Europe. Compensation by the Welfare State is inadequate with respect to the internalisation of the cost of accidents especially when public institutions do not file claims against liable producers. Product safety regulation should have performed the deterrence function. However we also point out that the threat of reputation losses is a powerful incentive for firms to carefully control product safety, when consumers increasingly care about product quality and accidents are heavily advertised by media.JEL Classification: K13, K41     

权利空间的拓展——农民迁徙自由的宪法学分析

迁徙自由是人们追求幸福、实现人生价值和目标的“复合性”权利,它在整个宪法权利体系中具有基础性的意义。以限制迁徙自由为实际内容的户籍制度,造就了不公正的城乡二元社会结构,阻隔着人们以自由迁徙的方式完成“地缘的结合”和“从身份到契约”的转变,并直接形成了与宪政精神的抵牾。迁徙自由体现着对人的价值的宪政关怀,它为农民自身的全面自由发展及其权利的拓展提供了广阔的空间,为瓦解传统的城乡二元社会结构并祛除由此而生的城乡歧视、城乡差别提供着制度上的契机与可能。同时,以农民为主体的自由迁徙有助于形成政府间竞争博弈的宪政权力结构,有助于形成宪政所必需的公民意识和政治理性。只有当农民以具有完善人格和个人理念的“自由公民”形象出现并真正成为政治关系的完整主体时,才能为宪政和法治建设奠定坚实的社会基础。     

A European Constitution for Citizens: Reflections on the Rethinking of Union and Community Law

Whilst the European Union or Community is not a state and does not possess a political constitution in the sense of a series of irrevocable norms existing prior to and above Community or Union law, the evolution of the European legal system might nonetheless be regarded as a fundamental constitutional process. In this light, primary and secondary European law, together with the jurisprudence of the ECJ, might be said to be subjectivising certain specifically European principles thus contributing to the legal creation of sometimes novel rights for European Citizens. In a legal process similar to that seen within 19th Century Germany, European law is seeking a compensate for an incomplete political constitution through the development of a – second best – European Charter for Citizens.