发展中国家的政府权威与政党政治

本文提出这样一个观点：发展中国家为使其现代化进程顺利进行，需要建立一个强有力的权威型政府，而要使政府有权威，又需要有一个强大的执政党为其后盾。因此，发展中国家政党政治的模式应是由一个强有力的政党执政。文章从如下三个方面论述了这一观点：一、处于不同现代化阶段上的国家，其政府权威与政党政治的关系也有差异；二、发展中国家政府权威的高低与执政党的强弱成正比；三、中国共产党领导下的多党合作制符合中国作为一个发展中国家社会对权威政府的历史需要     

政党政治对现代政府运作的影响

一、政党政治对现代政府运作的贡献1.政党政治为现代政府的运作提供了合法性途径和基础。在实行政党制度的国家,政府由在选举中获胜的党或党派联盟组成,当赢得竞选的政党根据选举结果获得权力时,它就必须对治理的后果负责。政党通过选举获胜上台执政成为执政党,在野党不可能通过政变或革命的方式来替代现行政府,不通过大选取得政府运作的权利被认为是缺乏合法性的。而由于各党派都是在宪法范围内活动,反对党也有机会通过竞选上台执政,这就使得暴力夺取政权和宫廷政变失去了条件和动力。2.与一定的选举制和议会制结合在一起的政党政治为政府…     

执政党公信力刍论

在政党政治的条件下,作为一种政治文明的要求,执政党公信力是一个极其重要的问题。本文从诚信、政治公信与执政党公信力、政党公信视野下的党群关系和权力关系以及执政党公信力获取、提升的动力机制三个方面作了尝试性探讨。     

中国政治语境下的政党概念

讨论中国的政党政治问题要考虑中国的特殊政治语境。按照一般政党学理论,"革命党"与"执政党"并不是一组对应的概念。在西方,"执政党"是相对于"在野党"或"反对党"的一个概念;而在马克思主义经典作家那里,"革命党"是相对于"改良党"的一个概念。本文旨在对中国政治语境下政党概念的出现、使用和演变做一梳理,希冀这种梳理能够为更准确和更科学地讨论中国的政党政治问题做出一点贡献。     

信息网络化对美国政党政治的影响

信息网络化对当今各国政党影响巨大。美国作为世界上现代政党的发源地之一以及信息网络最发达的国家之一,信息网络化对其政党乃至政党政治的影响值得深思。尽管在世界政党谱系中,从政党组织功能与政党领袖作用、政党纪律与党员自由度、政党封闭性与开放度等三个关系维度观察,美国两大政党均呈现出极化(极端化)特征,并非当今世界政党的典型代表,但信息网络化对美国政党政治的影响具有典型意义。在技术层面,信息网络发展对美国政党的影响呈现出阶段性特征;在内容层面,信息网络化使美国选举政治个人化与政党空心化现象加剧,这具体表现为"互联网总统"的胜出、领袖个人与选民关系的强化、政党与选民关系的弱化等。另外,信息网络化容易助长"肮脏政治"与"网络暴政",甚至使虚拟政党具有超越传统政党的趋势。就当今世界政党政治发展而言,政党信息网络化、开放化、个人化和空心化等似乎具有一定趋势性。     

我国新型政党制度视域下的政党协商

<正>在全国政协十三届一次会议联组会上,习近平总书记首次明确地把党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度称作"从中国土壤中生长出来的新型政党制度"。新型政党制度是伟大的政治创造,实现了政党关系革新,一是政党政治地位法定的长期合作模式,二是执政党建设与参政党建设共进的相互增益模式。同时在坚持党的领导的根本政治前提下,新型政党制度才能发挥最大制度优势,党和各民主党派的政党协商才能发挥最大政治效益和社会效益,让政党协商在新时代焕发出最强的生命力,从而促进中国     

论公共决策中的政党因素

政党政治是当代政治的一个突出特征,而政党是公共决策的重要主体。政党在公共决策中扮演了五种角色和功能,即政策目标的创制者、利益表达和聚合者、公共政策的决策者、公共政策的执行者、公共决策的监控者;政党的决策运行机制,如政党的公共决策价值取向、政党的决策能力、政党的决策体制,都对公共政策质量产生重要影响。然而,中国执政党公共决策体制存在不少弊端,导致了决策主体模糊、摩擦成本增加、决策监督和决策责任的弱化等问题产生;针对我国执政党决策体制现存问题,围绕提升执政力,必须健全相关制度。     

论当代西方政党制度的特征与走势

本文分析了当代西方多元化政治格局中政党制度所出现的一些新的特征及发展态势：一是多党林立与各政党的联合趋向，二是两党竞争与政策趋同，三是民主社会主义政党纷纷上台执政，四是政党和政党制度的法律化、规范化。这些特征既是西方当代民主和政党政治发展的表现，也是西方国家政党制度走向成熟的重要标志，并对维持西方民主政治体系的正常运行发挥着至关重要的作用     

多党合作与中共执政能力

当代政治是政党政治,一个国家政治经济和社会文化的发展状况、特别是政治发展状况与其政党密切相关。如何面对和处理政党之间的相互关系,是政党特别是执政党不可回避的重大问题。自20世纪90年代以来,世界上一些大党、老党执政失败的经验教训启发了我国政界和学界研究政党问题的自觉性。尤其是自中共十六大提出“政治文明”、“依法执政”概念以来,从世界政党比较的视角来研究执政党应该“如何执政”、“怎样执政”、一国的政党制度与政治发展的关系等问题,从对共产党执政规律、社会主义建设规律、人类社会发展规律的认识中来把握和提高执政…     

新媒体时代政党形象建构的内涵、目标与路径论析

在现代政党政治的背景下,政党形象问题日益突出,而新媒体的迅速发展又极大地助推政党形象问题的重要性。通过分析新媒体时代政党形象内涵与要义,阐明新媒体时代政党形象应建构的目标和实现路径,可知新媒体时代执政党应建构更为民主、法治、高效、公开、廉洁和亲民的政党形象,而要深化这一形象建构就是要从原则上强化党对新媒体的领导力和引导力,从认识上切实转变形象的建构思维,从基础上切实提升领导干部的媒介素养,从策略上提升政党形象塑造的建构力。     

Governing diversity: Dutch political parties' preferences on the role of the state in civic integration policies

This article analyses political debates about civic integration policies in the Netherlands, so as to identify different conceptions of the role of the state in ensuring social cohesion by governing diversity. Drawing on the literature on party systems, it presents an analysis of political party positions on the role of the state in civic integration along two dimensions: economic distribution on the one hand, and sociocultural governance on the other hand. I find that while the large majority of Dutch political parties adopt authoritarian positions on the sociocultural axis in favour of state intervention to protect Dutch culture and identity, their positions diverge significantly on the classic economic Left–Right dimension. The most contentious issue in Dutch civic integration politics is whether the state, the market or individual migrants should be responsible for financing and organising courses. Thus, this article proposes an innovative model for analysing the politics of citizenship, which enables us to comprehend how citizenship policies are shaped not only by views on how identity and culture relate to social cohesion, but also by diverging perspectives on socio-economic justice.     

The influence of presidential heads of state on government formation in European democracies: Empirical evidence

Theories of coalition politics have paid little attention to the role of presidential heads of state in the government-formation process. This article investigates the influence of presidents on the two most important features of government-formation outcomes: the identity of the party of the prime minister and the party composition of the coalition. Substantial evidence is found that presidents in European democracies have managed to induce their preferred governments from the potential alternatives. The results also suggest that parliament-selected presidents and popularly elected presidents have different mechanisms of influence on these outcomes. The investigation sheds new light on the government-formation process in semi-presidential as well as in pure parliamentary systems.     

建设廉洁政治:从理念到实践

党的十八大报告提出"建设廉洁政治",意义重大。廉洁政治,就是不以权谋私的政治。在社会主义中国,干部清正、政府清廉、政治清明,共同构成廉洁政治建设的基本形态。作为具有典型意义的实践探索,延安时期和建国初期的廉洁政治建设对当前有重要的镜鉴价值。建设廉洁政治的实践路径:要稳妥推进政治体制改革,化解权力过于集中的风险;走中国特色反腐倡廉道路,树立廉政自觉与自信;贯彻党的群众路线,发挥群众在廉政建设中的主体作用;加快构建完善的国家廉政体系,形成严密的反腐铁笼;深化反腐败体制机制与机构改革,激发反腐败活力;开展学习和实践党章活动,维护党章的权威性和严肃性。     

Doctrine and Decision: Navigating Labour's New Constitutional Position in the Lords

The 2015–17 Parliament was the first time in history that the Conservatives were in government with no easily assembled majority in the House of Lords. This has fundamentally altered the role that Labour is able to play in the Lords and, conversely, that peers are able to play in the Labour party. Yet the political significance of this situation has not yet been fully appreciated by a party which remains culturally antagonistic and constitutionally wary of the Lords. In this paper, we draw on interviews with Labour peers, particularly the late Baroness Hollis of Heigham, who have been able to use the essentially conservative powers of the Lords for social democratic ends. We suggest that the Labour party needs to incorporate the second chamber into both its practical and symbolic politics, and to find ways to use this new source of constitutional power without accommodating to it.     

Long-term Changes in Danish Party Politics: The Rise and Importance of Issue Competition

In Denmark and Norway, major research programmes known as the 'power and democracy studies' have evaluated the functioning of the political systems and democracy in general, highlighting numerous changes in both Danish and Norwegian politics over recent decades. However, despite the broad range of studies that characterize both programmes, it is striking how little attention has been paid to changes in party politics and party competition. This article, which focuses on Danish politics, argues that attention to the development of party competition would have been warranted for two reasons. First, party competition has undergone a transformation from class to issue competition. Political parties increasingly focus their efforts on influencing the content of the political agenda rather than positioning themselves with regard to a limited number of issues deriving from their class bases. Second, this transformation arguably explains some of the findings of the power and democracy studies, especially concerning political decision making.     

Decentralized Governance under Centralized Party Rule in Ethiopia: The Tigray Experience

Abstract

In the mid-1990s Ethiopia adopted a federal constitution promising regional autonomy and the creation and strengthening of local government units below the regional level. Some observers attribute the various shortcomings of Ethiopian federalism that have emerged since then to the original institutional/constitutional design. This paper, however, argues that what is not in the constitution has come to influence the workings of decentralization more than what is codified in it. The dominant national party in power, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), either directly or through affiliates, controls political office at all levels of government, thereby limiting the room for local initiative and autonomy. The presence of a national dominant party limits the responsiveness and downward accountability of Wereda (district) authorities; it also undermines political competition, and by extension, good governance at the grassroots level. The paper is based on field research carried out in the Tigray regional state of Ethiopia. The conclusion is that when one party dominates the politics of the region and its institutions, extra-constitutional intra-party politics determine how things work, thereby subjugating localities’ autonomy and impeding their ability to deliver on promises of decentralization.     

State of the Field

Although scholars of West European politics have long debated whether the region's highly institutionalised party systems were becoming de‐aligned and electorally unstable, the political fallout from the post‐2008 financial crisis has lent a new sense of urgency to the debate. The threats posed to party systems by economic crises are hardly unique to Europe, however. The Latin American experience with the debt crisis of the 1980s and 1990s suggests that party system upheaval was not simply a function of retrospective economic voting during the period of crisis. It was also attributable to programmatically de‐aligning policy responses to crises – namely the ‘bait‐and‐switch’ imposition of austerity and adjustment measures by labour‐based, left‐leaning parties that were traditional champions of statist and redistributive policies. Such patterns of reform made it difficult for party systems to channel societal resistance to market orthodoxy in the post‐adjustment era, setting the stage for convulsive ‘reactive sequences’ when such resistance arose outside and against mainstream parties through varied forms of social and electoral protest, typically on the left flank. This article explores the political fallout from the European and Latin American economic crises from a comparative perspective, arguing that it is essential to think beyond the short‐term political dynamics of crisis management to consider the longer‐term institutional legacies and fragilities of the different political alignments forged around crisis‐induced policy reforms.     

政党代表性危机与西方国家民粹主义的兴起

西方国家民粹主义的兴起,是代表性危机的结果。从政党政治的角度,主流政党疏离社会、融入国家,由代表组织转变为统治机构,导致政治回应性的弱化。主流政党代表功能的萎缩,促使社会成员转向民粹主义的替代模式。为了控制政策议程,民粹主义政党仍然需要遵循选举政治的逻辑。民粹主义固然挑战了主流的民主模式,但它同样可以在调整国家与社会关系的基础上重构政党体制,扩展政治代表的渠道。只有客观地分析国家、社会与政党在代表性建构中的互动机制,才能准确地认识民粹主义的社会基础及其发展趋势。     

Supplying Trade Reform: Political Institutions and Liberalization in Middle-Income Presidential Democracies

Correcting the relative lack of attention to the supply side of trade policy, this article addresses how political institutions channel societal demands for protection. I hypothesize that strong presidents with significant legislative powers and strong party leaders—empowered through electoral rules that rein in the personal vote—can help overcome protectionist biases. These arguments compare with two institutional alternatives: first, that protectionism should decrease as electoral district size grows because elections become more proportional; and second, that the collective-action problems in fragmented party systems thwart trade reform. I evaluate these hypotheses empirically using pooled time-series–cross-sectional data involving 18 developing countries from 1971 to 1997. I find that delegation to presidents and party leaders is significantly related to trade liberalization, and some evidence suggests that the effective number of parties and the size of electoral districts may also influence levels of protectionism.     

Income inequality and party (de)polarisation

Scholars of US politics report a strong connection between income inequality and party polarisation. This study evaluates this relationship comparatively, and finds that the opposite association holds outside the United States, namely, that increasing inequality depolarises political parties’ economic positions. High levels of inequality change the composition of the core constituencies on the left and depress the participation of low-income voters, leaving left-wing parties with less support when they adopt distinct leftward positions. At the same time, inequality does not create strong incentives for right-wing parties to move further rightward. Therefore, income inequality leads to party systems that are depolarised on economic issues. The results have implications for our understanding of political representation, economic inequality, and political polarisation.