Is Governance Reform a Catalyst for Development?

International development agencies contend developing countries can boost rates of economic growth by introducing “good governance” measures. However, close analysis of specific governance reforms and economic turning points in the United States (when it was a developing country), Argentina, Mauritius, and Jamaica suggests that the agencies underestimate the time and political effort required to change governance, and overestimate the economic impact. Counter to optimistic claims about how much “institutions matter,” these carefully selected cases imply that greater transparency, accountability, and participation are often a result, rather than a direct cause of faster development. Furthermore, they show that closed institutions may be a satisfactory platform for rapid growth, provided those institutions open over time. Policymakers need to understand these processes better before counting on governance reforms to be the springboard out of poverty for most developing countries today.     

Local government reform in Jamaica and Trinidad: a policy dilemma

Issues of local governance have dominated Caribbean policy agenda for the past two decades, prompting considerable thought and action on local government reform by scholars, local government practitioners and policy makers, alike. No reforms have been as ubiquitous as those of local government. Permitted by an international reformist agenda, local government reform policy is linked positively to efforts to redress incapacities of public management and administration. This article examines conceptual and empirical issues relating to implementation of local government reform in two Caribbean countries, Jamaica and Trinidad. It analyses how the vision for local governance is articulated through specific reform taxonomies and argues that, although local government reform is normatively a policy aimed at fundamental changes in intergovernmental relations, in Jamaica and Trinidad reform has led merely to adjustments in the internal administration of local government. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

A Rawlsian Argument Against the Duty of Civility

In this article, I show that the assumptions underpinning John Rawls's so-called "duty of civility" ought to lead one not to affirm the duty but to reject it. I will begin by setting out in its essentials the content and rationale of the "duty of civility," which lies at the heart of Rawls's ideal of public reason. Secondly, I will argue that the very premises allegedly underpinning the duty of civility—namely, the values of reciprocity and political autonomy, and the burdens of judgment—in fact rule it out. Thirdly, I will suggest that if my argument against the duty of civility is correct, then one recent attempt to salvage political liberalism and reasonableness from the charge of incoherence fails. Finally, I draw some challenging lessons from our discussion for political liberalism and the liberal tradition as a whole.     

Poor Nations, Rich Nations: A Theory of Governance

This article argues that the difference between poor countries and rich countries has to do with governance rather than resources. In emphasizing the importance of public administration in explaining economic success and failure, the author examines three general theories of governance (organizational, cultural, and structural‐functional) presented in Ferrel Heady's textbook in comparative administration. Political elasticity theory is introduced as a way to reconcile and overcome the weaknesses of these theories and to explain a number of unresolved questions in the literature having to do with decentralization, corruption, democracy, culture, and globalization, using comparative case studies (the Netherlands and Ghana, Singapore and Jamaica, and Japan and Nigeria). The implications of political elasticity theory for foreign aid are suggested at the conclusion, illustrated by a comparison of Spain and Mexico. What ties these case studies together is the heretofore unnoticed and/or unexplained fact that as countries prosper, political power takes on “rubber‐band” and “balloon” characteristics.     

Migrant Information Packs and the Colonisation of Civility in the UK

In response to the immigration of migrant workers, especially from the European Union accession states, the UK government has engaged in a particular form of civilising project within a wider attempt to inculcate civility and respect amongst citizens and non-citizens realigned to ‘British’ values. Drawing on the work of Elias, this article explores the role of information packs provided to recent migrants as a means of codifying required values. The article argues that elements of these information packs are based on the spatial imagining of national communities and the cultural assumptions underpinning them and that civility in public space is used as a mechanism for constructing increasingly conditional forms of citizenship.     

Administrative reform in Jamaica: A component of structural adjustment

Jamaica is currently undergoing a major innovative administrative reform programme (ARP). The impetus for the ARP stems from the realization that weak public administration (as prevailed in Jamaica) is a major obstacle to the implementation of economic reforms. The ARP thus became a significant plank of the World Bank's structural adjustment lending to Jamaica. The Jamaican programme is probably the leading and most ambitious attempt at administrative reform in the Third World, and the experiences and lessons learnt can be applied to the many developing countries which are contemplating or implementing similar programmes. The Jamaican experience indicates that the most important ingredients for success are political commitment at the highest level, a determined external agency, a carefully designed but flexible participatory programme which learns as it progresses, and good communication of the reform proposals. Administrative reform is a long-term process, and it would be dangerous to pitch expectations too high.     

Between ballots and bullets: elections and citizenship in and beyond the nation-state

This article approaches electoral acts and performances as central sites for the negotiation of citizenship relations. I argue that, in order to understand how these relationships are shaped, we must attend to governmental actors beyond the nation-state, from trade unions to criminal organizations. Focusing on the case of Jamaica, I show how non-state actors have come to play a central role in hybrid forms of governance, shaping citizens' allegiances to multiple, overlapping political communities. How are campaigning and voting affected by such multiple allegiances? What new understandings of citizenship can we develop if we take the role of non-state actors in the electoral process seriously? I suggest that we should study elections as a site where citizenship – understood here in its broad sense of membership of a political community – can develop both within and beyond the nation-state.     

Building peaceful citizens? Nation-building in divided societies

ABSTRACT

Interventions aimed at citizenship formation and nation-building in divided and post-conflict societies place great emphasis on promoting and entrenching peace as a cornerstone of economic development and statehood. Such efforts are multi-scalar, encompassing interventions to build democratic institutions and responsible citizens with the pursuit and maintenance of peace at the heart of these ideals. Dominant international pedagogies and policies for liberal-peace-building in divided societies can be used to maintain existing power relations and hierarchies, and may prevent the realization of social (and other forms of) justice while stifling dissent and criticism through exhortations to patriotism, unity, civility, and nation-building. Thus, the ‘goodness’ of peace makes this concept particularly useful as a technique of governance. However, ‘peace’ can also be reworked to suit counter-hegemonic political purposes that open up rather than shut down the question of what peace means. Through an exploration of contestations around the notion of ‘peace’ and its deployment in efforts to promote particular foreign policy agendas we highlight the incongruities in civil society actors’ approaches to peace, and their efforts to achieve sometimes conflicting aims, within divided societies.     

Michael Oakeshott on Civility, Civil Society and Civil Association

Contemporary treatments of 'civil society' have struggled to formulate clear and explicit criteria for determining which associations ought to count as part of a truly 'civil' society and, conversely, which other kinds of groups a liberal democracy would best avoid. Michael Oakeshott's idealized distinction between 'civil' association and 'enterprise' association may prove extremely helpful in sharpening these contemporary discussions of civil society. Rather than a conservative value with exclusionary and anti-democratic overtones, as many have alleged, the virtue of civility entails immanent inclusivity, democratic equality and the active recognition of others. Understanding civility in this way argues for both its normative and conceptual value in distinguishing the good from the bad in associational life. On the other hand, the contemporary literature on civil society draws attention to ambiguities in Oakeshott's thought that make his understanding of the liberal state, for better or worse, an improbable means of encouraging a rebirth of associational life.     

Peter Berger’s Contribution to the Pluralism of Mediating Structures

This article examines the arguments of Peter Berger’s and Richard Neuhaus’s To Empower People for public policies to promote mediating structures. In so doing, it discusses the bearing of those arguments on our understanding of sociality, civility, and spontaneous order.     

治理结构多元化：地方政府机构改革的新思路

通过对当代中国地方政府机构改革的一些典型个案进行分析,发现其陷入困境的深层次原因在于强调国家统一管理而导致的地方治理结构单一化。当代中国的地方治理结构单一化是历史遗传和传统体制的产物,与转轨时期纵向政府间关系中存在的压力型体制也有着内在的关联。随着改革的深入,地方治理结构单一化的弊端逐渐显现出来。但是,从美国和英国等西方发达国家的实践来看,地方治理结构多元化与国家的统一管理并不矛盾。因此,在已有的地方政府机构改革的思路基础上,实现地方治理结构多元化应该成为继续推进当代中国地方政府机构改革的新思路。     

县域政府治理绩效的实证研究：公众满意度的视角--基于佛山市 A 区的治理实践

以佛山市 A 区为个案,对如何测量中国县（区）层级的政府治理绩效进行实证探索。在借鉴世界治理指标（WGI)的基础上,构建了一个本土化的地方政府治理绩效指标体系,对 A 区政府的治理绩效水平进行量化评估,并且通过构建一个多元回归模型深入挖掘影响其总体治理水平的相关因素。结果表明：公众对于 A 区政府的总体治理水平处于“一般”到“比较满意”之间;在六个维度的治理绩效中,公众满意度最低的是“腐败控制”和“法治”,最高的是“政府稳定和暴力避免”和“政府有效性”;除了“管制质量”和“政府稳定与暴力避免”之外,其他四个维度的治理绩效对 A 区政府的总体治理水平都具有显著影响,其中,“政府有效性”对总体治理水平的影响最大。     

“超行政治理”:党建引领的基层治理逻辑与工作路径

当前,行政化治理导致基层社会陷入“行政有效,治理无效”的治理危机,表现为治理碎片化、治理封闭化和治理等级化。需要打破行政科层组织的结构性壁垒,破解行政化治理造成的基层治理困境。执政党通过发挥政党的组织和政治优势,依托政党的政治整合功能和社会整合功能,促进治理与服务的有效融合,在基层治理场域形成了一种强调政党引领的“超行政治理”模式。与政府主导的行政化治理相比较,政党引领下的“超行政治理”以基础性权力为基础,依托政党权威,实现治理效能提升。具体而言,“超行政治理”通过三种治理机制展开运作。第一,运用党建的空间塑造功能推动组织整合,建构基层共治平台;第二,依靠政治引领功能促进价值整合,实现话语转换;第三,通过社会动员功能助推社会建构,再造社区团结。“超行政治理”以其政治整合和社会建构的工作逻辑,在基层治理场域推动了治理主体的跨组织协同、治理价值的共识维护以及治理权威的社会化建构。     

实验主义治理：公共治理的一个新路径

实验主义治理秉持以现实问题为导向和以经验证据为支撑的实证理念和循证品格,在纵向放权的基础上通过目标设置、差异探索、治理评估、政策迭代和政策扩散等机制探寻政策改进和治理优化的可行路径。作为一种新的治理模式,它的兴起是为了应对治理复杂性的挑战、弥补科层式治理的不足和探寻治理现代化的路径等。实验主义治理模式注重纵向放权、公众参与和多元协作,改善了公共治理主体间的关系,提升了治理的参与性、科学性和有效性,是科层式治理模式的重要补充。但在实践中,实验主义治理也面临着法治困境、创新困境和合作困境等现实难题。在我国推进治理体系与治理能力现代化的背景下,应当协调好实验主义治理中创新与法治的内在张力,完善治理体制与机制,提升实验主义治理的实践效能,从而使其在全面深化改革进程中发挥更大的作用。     

An analysis of capacities of civil society organizations (CSOs) involved in promotion of community participation in governance in Kenya

Although civil society organizations (CSOs) often receive attention in development discourse, they are particularly deemed to provide a new way that ensures good governance. Hence, an understanding of their contributions against the backdrop of governance‐related challenges in Kenya calls for fresh and new research. This article gives attention to CSOs' role in the promotion of community participation in governance. Specifically, it looks into capacities of CSOs involved in these efforts on governance. It links persistent poor governance happening at the counties to inadequate capacities of CSOs involved in the fight against the vice. It argues that CSOs lack vital capacities including adequate funds, staff, offices, and equipment, to be able to sustain action against poor governance. The study methodology involved a survey, focus group discussions, and in‐depth face‐to‐face interviews. A variety of tools were used that included a survey questionnaire, focus group discussion guide, and in‐depth interview guide. Some of the recommendations are that it is important for stakeholders including the government to understand CSOs and provide them with required support. CSOs also need to be given training and exposure to programs in other countries that have successfully addressed governance issues.     

New Modes of Governance and the Participatory Myth

One of the most common arguments about ‘new governance’ is that it is characterised by heterarchy rather than by hierarchy, creating horizontal modes of governance among a multitude of actors – public and private – involving all relevant stakeholders. Often implicitly and sometimes explicitly, this argument is linked with a normative democratic claim that praises the particular participatory features of ‘new governance’ as compared to ‘old governance’. Using as a case study European occupational health and safety policy, characterised by a shift from ‘old’ to ‘new governance’ since the 1990s, this article warns us that one should be very reluctant in making normative claims on new governance. The analysis of new governance modes such as comitology, agency networking, and social dialogue in this field shows that more horizontal and heterarchical governance does not mean automatically more participatory governance in terms of involving civil society actors and all stakeholders.     

Human-provided waters for desert wildlife: what is the problem?

Conflict persists in southwestern deserts of the United States over management of human-constructed devices to provide wildlife with water. We appraised decision processes in this case relative to the goal of human dignity and by the standards of civility and common interest outcomes. Our analysis suggested that conflict was scientized, rooted in worldviews, and aggravated by use of inflammatory symbols such as “wilderness” and “bighorn sheep.” Contested problem definitions, framed as matters of science, advanced factional interests largely by allocating the burden of proof and failing to disclose private concerns about well-being, affection, respect, skill and power. Decision processes were shaped by precepts of scientific management, and thus largely failed to foster civility, common ground, and a focus on common interests, and instead tended to exacerbate deprivations of dignity and respect. If the status quo continues, we foresee further erosion of human dignity because there are likely to be increases in system stressors, such as climate change and human population growth. The prognosis would be more hopeful if alternatives were adopted that entailed authoritative, equitable, and collaborative public decision-making processes that took into consideration national-level common interests such as the U.S. Endangered Species Act.     

Regulating the Internet infrastructure: A comparative appraisal of the legitimacy of ICANN,ITU, and the WSIS

How to generate legitimate forms of governance beyond the nation state is often considered a central question in contemporary world politics. To proceed in theory‐building, scholars need to systematically assign the theory‐driven assumptions on legitimate forms of governance beyond the nation state with the various, already observable, forms of global governance. This article aims to conduct a comparative appraisal of the legitimatory quality of different patterns of governance by applying a framework of indicators for their assessment. The indicators are selected from the scholarly debate within International Relations on the legitimacy of global governance arrangements and structured by a multidimensional concept of legitimacy (input, throughput, and output dimensions). This framework is then applied to international, transnational, and private forms of global governance in the field of Internet regulation in order to show how each of them tries to produce and maintain legitimacy, which strategies it applies, and in how it interacts with its stakeholders.     

新时代协商治理:内在机理与基本立场

当前,学界仍然需要对“治理”做中国情境的整全性探讨以克服现有研究中存在的碎片化倾向。要树立规避低水平重复研究的学术立场,特别要进一步深化对新时代中国协商治理之本土化因素及其核心指归的梳理,凝练基于学术的中国协商治理之基本指导的理论精义,建构一种适应性的本土概念与理论体系,探索底线性的协商治理理解是学术研究的基本使命。基于此,以什么形式实践协商治理,应交由党领导人民去完成。同时,要科学把握西方治理嬗变、理论适用性及其困境,科学认识治理中国方案的定位、中西方治理的本质差异及其体现。对协商治理的理论与实践及其超越性之内在机理的研究,是解释与建构的尝试,是对情境的宏观考量,亦是阐明研究立场与实践立场的过程。     

我国社区治理研究中“脱节”现象的反思

我国社区治理的理论和实践研究层出不穷,但在社区治理研究和实践发展中存在着“脱节”现象,如何认识和解释此种现象成为社区治理研究中不可避免的问题。通过转型社会中我国社区治理研究现状分析,发现产生“脱节”问题的主要原因是:在社区治理理论和模式研究中存在“形式主义”风险;在社区治理实践中存在“合理无知”的公众参与现象;社区治理研究的时空适合性对实践存在着制约作用;社区治理研究的替代价值和存在价值的取向变化,以及社区治理研究的“理论实践”也影响“脱节”现象的产生。在此基础上进一步讨论了构建具有中国特色社区治理模式研究的可能,并对当前社区治理研究进行了反思与推进。