CDIO模式下环境工程校内实验基地探索

根据沈阳工业大学独立学院培养应用型工程技术人才的定位,尝试将CDIO模式应用在环境工程专业的培养方案中,建立校内的环境工程实验、实习和实训基地,提出了培养环境工程专业人才CDIO能力的新途径.     

服务管理理论视角下的服务型政府建设探析

服务型政府的建设是当前政府职能转变的一个全新课题。而树立“顾客至上”观、实践“以民为本”的服务理念,树立“顾客关系”观、遵循“协商互动”的服务过程,树立“顾客需求”观、界定公共服务产品的范围,树立“顾客满意”观、提升公共服务产品的质量,是建设服务型政府的重要内容。     

社会主义初级阶段理论探析

社会主义初级阶段是我国现阶段的最大实际。作为马克思主义与中国具体实际相结合的经典标志,社会主义初级阶段理论充分体现了社会发展规律的普遍性和特殊性。其内在理论品质证明了社会主义市场经济存在的合理性,是马克思主义中国化的又一次伟大胜利。     

自反性现代化理论考察

现代化在为人类带来福祉的同时,也产生了一系列严重的社会问题,其合理性越来越受到人们的质疑。在这种背景下,一些社会学家提出了自反性现代化理论及风险社会的概念,力图从现代化自身结构性矛盾视角分析其发展脉络。尽管自反性现代化理论还不成熟,有待进一步完善,但它为我们分析和重建现代化理论提供了富有启示性的思路。     

解读“钟摆理论”

“钟摆理论”认为关于生产力效率与公平正义的问题很像是一个钟摆,以系络为评判标准。某一政府在生产力效率与公平、正义间如何取舍,就是看它如何根据自己的系络来设定目标。这个理论看到了公平与效率的对立,即认为政府目标在一定时期内只能在二者中选择其一,同时二者又有其统一性,更高的公平要求更高的效率与之对应,反之亦然。不同国家政府的钟摆的摆幅和频率是不同的,因为影响它的因素有很多,其中三个主要因素为:与经济发展水平有关(倒U型理论);与制度和政府干预力有关;与社会文化和社会偏好有关。     

An Implicit Contract Theory of Intergovernmental Grants

A central puzzle in the economic analysis of intergovernmentalgrants in a federal polity is the conflict between the predictionsof the standard theory and empirical observation. Standard theoryhas no explanation for the widely observed fact that "moneysticks where it hits," that is, for the "flypaper effect" fromspecific, non-matching grants. This effect is observed whengrants that apparently are the economic equivalents of generalrevenue grants have the consequences to be expected from matchingspecific grants. We propose a resolution. Most grants are accompaniedby an implicit as well as an explicit contract between grantorand recipient. The purpose of these contracts is to influencethe behavior of the recipient, by making the size of the streamof grants conditional upon the recipient's responses to thewishes of the donor.     

对一起盗窃案工具痕迹多面性的研究

通过对一起铁路盗窃案件中工具痕迹的分析,可以研究相关工具痕迹的多面性问题,即同一种工具在不同的条件下,痕迹的形态是不一样的,甚至有很大的差别。熟悉并掌握工具痕迹的不同形态和特征,有助于正确分析案情。     

当代西方发展理论论析

当代西方发展理论在其半个多世纪的演变中，大致经历了20世纪40年代的“发展经济学”、50年代兴起的“现代化理论”、70年代的“依附论”和“世界体系论”、80年代的“新发展观”、90年代的“明冲突论”等理论形态的更迭；此外，旨在对现代化所出现的问题进行“纠偏”、“颠覆”与“解构”的后现代主义思潮也以其鲜明的特征为发展理论带来新的景观。这些学说或理论具有鲜明的“问题学”特征，拓展了发展问题的界域，自觉不自觉地顺应了当代社会发展的实际进程，是这一发展进程在理论上曲折的反映；然而，它们在发展观上所达到的科学程度是有限的，其走入误区的症结就在于：研究视角的单一与框架的狭窄、研究方法的形而上学特征以及学院式研究成果缺乏转化为实践的能力等。     

The Democratic Domino Theory: An Empirical Investigation

According to the democratic domino theory, increases or decreases in democracy in one country spread and "infect" neighboring countries, increasing or decreasing their democracy in turn. Using spatial econometrics and panel data that cover over 130 countries between 1850 and 2000, this article empirically investigates the democratic domino theory. We find that democratic dominoes do in fact fall as the theory contends. However, these dominoes fall significantly "lighter" than the importance of this model suggests. Countries "catch" only about 11% of the increases or decreases in their average geographic neighbors' increases or decreases in democracy. This finding has potentially important foreign policy implications. The "lightness" with which democratic dominoes fall suggests that even if foreign military intervention aimed at promoting democracy in undemocratic countries succeeds in democratizing these nations, intervention is likely to have only a small effect on democracy in their broader regions.     

GASB's Survival Potential: An Agency Theory Perspective

The primary objective of this article is to develop a framework for examining the survival or demise of an accounting standards setting body, with specific emphasis on analyzing the survival potential of the proposed GASB (Government Accounting Standards Board). In meeting this objective, we will first contrast the survival of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) with the demise of the Cost Accounting Standards Board (CASE), based on a framework derived from recent developments in agency theory.
The position taken in this article is neither that of an advocate nor an adversary of the various accounting regulatory bodies discussed. Instead, the authors' intent is to shed light on the complex issues surrounding the potential for survival of such bodies. An improved understanding of these issues should, in turn, permit a more enlightened analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of such bodies.     

Forming Political Culture and Marketing Strategies in a Central-European Setting

ABSTRACT

Having analyzed the different strategies used in the 1998 and 2002 parliamentary election campaigns with reference to the 1990 and 1994 campaigns, we can conclude that the Hungarian election conventions and culture are still in a state of experimentation and exploration. In contrast with American election traditions, in Hungary, not the individual (with the exception of the Alliance of Young Democrats), but the party image is what counts, though, in this respect, considerable changes could be observed during the last few years. The Hungarian political palette is much too fragmented, and this sets a barrier to the necessary desire for creating a suitable forum for the debate of the party leaders and for the declaration of party politics. At present, the party programme reaches the citizens just in implicit, hidden, often symbolic forms of messages.

While the symbols of the left-wing parties were sketchy, unskillful, too rational, and not giving much space for emotional influence, the right-wing parties gave too large of a dose of different symbols, which were emotional rather than rational. This lack of balance made the campaigns superficial, irrational, sometimes misleading, and abnormal. This feeling of abnormality was strengthened by the fact that the overdose on the part of the right wing was not limited to the campaign period, but the emotional shocking started much earlier. The state of excitement, which was spread in time, actually started in the spring of 1998, and even if there were fluctuations, the general mood of the last four years was characterised by the dug-out hatchet. The political opinion of the Orbán party was clearly expressed by their metaphors. The message of the sentences like 'it is more than change of government, less than change of regime,' 'attacking on the whole field,' 'we change the telephone directories,' etc., was unambiguous: combative four years are coming. During their campaign, 'setting up a record' was realized between the two rounds after the failure in the first round and was still going on showing the election failure, which came about in democratic circumstances (Galló Béla, 2002, 93).

One could hardly judge the effectiveness of agenda building, though some of the crucial social questions appeared as cue words and sentences in the mediated messages of parties (for example, family, health care, education, joining the European Union). Hungarian campaigning, compared to the American presidential election campaign, is colorless and rife with technical and rhetorical errors, and it is a competition without any coherence where the citizen is very often just a means of, but not the goal in, the struggle of the parties.     

全球化视角:解读"马克思主义中国化"

解读马克思主义中国化可以有不同的视角和向度。从全球化视角解读马克思主义中国化,不仅可以获得一种新的更为宏阔的视角,而且可以在一定程度上丰富“马克思主义中国化”命题。如果说,中国近代以来的历史就是中国被迫进入资本主义主导的全球化进程的历史,那么改革开放以来的历史则是中国特色社会主义较为主动、渐进、全面、深入地参与全球化进程的历史;如果说,毛泽东留给我们的全球化思想遗产是对资本主义主导的全球化挑战进行被动回应的产物,那么,邓小平的全球化理论视野则是对全球化进行主动回应的产物,而“三个代表”重要思想则是对全球化进行深入回应的产物,由此构成了一幅纷纭复杂、由淡至浓的历史画卷。从中,不仅可以透视出中华民族在资本主义主导的全球化面前从被迫回应到主动回应、从自然发展到自觉建构的复杂心路历程,而且可以折射出一代代中国马克思主义者共同的致思趋向。     

Another look at anti-scalping laws: Theory and evidence

This paper investigates the impact of anti-scalping laws on the face value of tickets in professional football and baseball. Previous theoretical models have suggested that scalpers might cause an increase in prices at the ticket window because they represent an increase in demand. This paper provides a model in which ticket scalping has an ambiguous impact on ticket window prices, making the actual impact an empirical question. Empirical analysis suggest that in cities with anti-scalping laws average per-game season ticket prices are approximately $2 greater in baseball and $10 greater in football. Anti-scalping laws actually increase team revenues, as the laws have no adverse effect on attendance. Thus, event promoters might have sufficient pecuniary incentive to tacitly or explicitly support anti-scalping legislation.     

我国区域公共管理理论分析

目前,我国在区域公共管理的研究上有几个问题必须要解决:区域公共管理与区域行政有没有区别?如果有,什么是区域公共管理?为什么区域行政会向区域公共管理发展?区域行政就是在一个区域内的政府(两个或两个以上),为了促进区域的发展而相互协调关系,寻求合作,对公共事务进行综合治理,以便实现社会资源的合理配置与利用,提供更优质的公共服务。而区域公共管理是区域内的多元主体为了解决在政治、经济或社会其它领域的一面或多面的公共问题,实现共同利益,运用协商和调解的手段和方式对区域以及区域内横向部分和纵向层级之间交叉重叠关系进行的管理。     

新公共管理理论的反思及中国现阶段的选择

新公共管理理论是伴随着20世纪80年代后全球范围内大规模的行政改革浪潮而兴起的政府改革理论。它为政府管理与改革研究提供了不同的视野,但新公共管理理论也存在着许多值得反思的缺陷。本文从反思的角度,并结合我国现阶段的状况,对新公共管理理论进行了分析,认为我国行政改革目前更为紧迫的任务是建立一个负责任的、可被预测的韦伯式的官僚制政府。     

Referendum Design: An Exercise in Applied Social Choice Theory

The formal status of the referendum institution in democratic system varies from consultative and optional to mandatory and binding. Despit the formal status, it can be argued that in all systems the legislators can hardly ignore the referendum results. The article presents two arguments: (1) The results of social choice theory suggest that the number of alternatives in referenda should to be restricted to two in order to a void severe problems of interpretation and agenda manipulation. (2) The consultative referendum system may lead to quite dramatic norm conflicts for both legislators and voters. Taken together, these two arguments imply that referenda are appropriate only in cases where there is natural way to dichotomize the issue at hand. Moreover, whenever a referendum is called, its result should be binding.     

公共选择理论与政府经济行为分析

公共选择理论源于现代经济学对政府经济行为和经济政策的思考,为解释政府经济行为和经济政策提供了一种新的理论范式,也是研究政府经济行为和经济政策的基础理论。