马克思在《论犹太人问题》中的市民社会理论探析

《论犹太人问题》主要是针对青年黑格尔派的代表人物布鲁诺·鲍威尔所作,是马克思研究市民社会理论过程中的一个重要文献。在这篇文章中,"市民社会"是马克思进行宗教批判、分析政治解放、人的解放时所使用的一个概念,主要是在论述宗教解放、政治解放的过程中从宗教解放与政治解放的关系、政治解放的进步性与局限性、犹太人的世俗生活这三方面对市民社会理论加以探析和研究。     

市场经济·民主政治·市民社会

市场经济、民主政治和市民社会是现代社会的重要特征和目标选择.经济和政治总是交合在一起,市场经济生活中的某些法则同样适应于民主政治领域,市场经济崇尚公平竞争,因此,民主政治也必须崇尚公平竞争.市民社会是制约、抗衡政府权力,防止政府权力腐败,实现民主政治的重要力量.中国目前需要在政治、经济、文化以及市民社会主体的培育上积极创造条件,以促进市民社会的形成.     

市民社会理念与社会自主性发展

本文分析了市民社会理念的传统含义及其在当代的变化,认为它实际反映了人们对在市场经济和现代化过程中社会自主性问题的关注.作者分析了中国历史上国家与社会的关系及经济体制的转型、民主政治的建设对社会自主性发展的意义,揭示了社会自主性发展的表现.     

市场经济·民主政治·市民社会

市场经济、民主政治和市民社会是现代社会的重要特征和目标选择。经济和政治总是交合在一起,市场经济生活中的某些法则同样适应于民主政治领域,市场经济崇尚公平竞争,因此,民主政治也必须崇尚公平竞争。市民社会是制约、抗衡政府权力,防止政府权力腐败,实现民主政治的重要力量。中国目前需要在政治、经济、文化以及市民社会主体的培育上积极创造条件,以促进市民社会的形成。     

论葛兰西文化霸权思想中的阶级意识问题

葛兰西的文化霸权理论中,阶级意识的培养和形成是其一项重要内容.从意识形态的角度来说,阶级意识的形成是文化发展必然结果,也是无产阶级实现在文化领域中的领导权的机会和标志.葛兰西将“国家”理解为“政治社会”与“市民社会”的结合体,从而这种阶级意识也表现为“政治社会”的“政党意识”和“市民社会”中的阶级意识.     

关于市民社会范畴演进史的综述

“市民社会”是社会政治学研究中一个非常重要的概念,是社会发展演变的一个重要观察视角.由于时代背景不同,思想家在运用这个概念的过程中差异很大,其含义发生了很大的变化.将市民社会的演进过程具体分为五部分,即古典市民社会理论、自由主义市民社会理论、国家主义市民社会理论、共产主义市民社会理论、公共领域市民社会理论进行讨论.     

市民社会理论的历史回溯

市民社会理论的发展历史可以划分为三个阶段,同时也是市民衬会的三种理论形态.即古典市民社会理论、现代市民社会理论和当代市民社会理论.20世纪70年代市民社会理论研究在全球范围内迅速复兴,并于90年代初被引入中国.市民社会理论是一个复杂的并且经历了重要历史变迁的理论体系,推进中国市民社会的理论研究需要对市民社会理论的历史形态进行回溯和分析,以准确理解市民社会理论,把握市民社会理论的真正内涵.     

论公共领域的建构与协商民主的实行

协商民主所体现的平等、公民参与、宽容、互动等理念表明公共领域与市民参与是协商民主实行的基础.而我国公共领域发展缓慢、市民参与不足将制约着协商民主的施行.因此,在我国推行协商民主的首要条件是在国家和个人之间建立一种公共领域,为民众营造一个参与公共事务的相对独立的广阔空间.具体而言,政府要为培育和规范公共领域营造良好的政策环境,培育健全的市民社会,培养公民的公共领域主体意识,塑造参与型政治文化,建立公共领域的讨论平台.     

1987年以来韩国NGO与政府关系

本文以韩国1987年以来的政治民主化转型为背景,通过观察NGO与政府关系的变迁过程,探讨民主化进程中NGO的状况及其对政治民主化、国家与社会关系的塑造功能,以期为准确理解和把握韩国民主政治的转型与发展以及NGO的功能和价值提供新的解读视角和阐释空间。     

马克思的市民社会理论简述

马克思是在对黑格尔的市民社会理论进行扬弃的基础上建立了自己的市民社会思想,在政治国家和市民社会的二元划分、二者之间的关系以及市民社会的本质上,马克思对黑格尔的理论都进行了批判和深化。     

Civil Society after Democracy: The Evolution of Civic Activism in South Africa and Korea

The phase of democratic consolidation can significantly impact the motives, dynamics and objectives of civil society. Its internal roles, dynamics and power balances are significantly altered by the advent of democracy, due to shifting resources, political opportunities and a general reframing of goals and objectives. By adopting a definition of civil society as an ‘arena’ (which highlights the continuously evolving composition and leadership of civil society) and borrowing a number of theoretical dimensions from social movement theory (which underline the importance of resource mobilization, political opportunities and conceptual framing processes), the article shows that the advent of democracy has posed a number of challenges to civil society organizations in Korea and South Africa. Moreover, the consolidation of democracy has inevitably changed the nature of government–civil society relations. While in South Africa institutional politics reasserted itself in the first years of democracy, thereby sidelining organizations and movements concerned with public accountability and good governance (which have only recently resurfaced through the action of new social movements), in Korea corruption and lack of transparency immediately marred the dawn of democracy, providing civic movements with a fertile terrain to galvanize civic mobilizations vis-à-vis the lack of responsiveness of the political class.     

Breakpoint or Binder: Religious Engagement in Dutch Civil Society

Civil society as a social sphere is constantly subjected to change. Using the Dutch context, this article addresses the question whether religiously inspired engagement is a binder or a breakpoint in modern societies. The author examines how religiously inspired people in the Netherlands involve themselves in non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and voluntary activities. Religious involvement and social engagement in different European countries are compared and discussed. In addition, the author explores the models of civil society and applies these to both the Christian and Islamic civil society in the Netherlands. Using four religious ‘identity organizations’ as case studies, this article discusses the interaction of Christian and Islamic civil society related to secularized Dutch society. The character and intentions of religiously inspired organizations and the relationship between religious and secular involvement are examined. This study also focuses on the attitude of policymakers towards religiously inspired engagement and government policy on ‘identity organizations’ in the Netherlands.     

Civil Society Mappings by Government: A Comparison of Ecuadorian and Colombian Cases

Scholars argue that we cannot see civil society organizations (CSOs) as legitimate players in policy if we have no clear ways to define them and if we lack information explaining their functions. Thus, scholars and practitioners alike have encouraged the ‘mapping’ of civil society. Mapping civil society consists of gathering and collating information on CSOs and often making it publicly available. There is little scholarship about such mapping efforts implemented by government. This article compares new mapping efforts in two countries—i.e., registries of CSOs created by governments in Ecuador and Colombia. The article examines the intentions of civil society mapping by government, identifying three key goals: to collect data, to regulate, and to foster collaboration. It discusses the differences across civil society mappings by government and in comparison with other mapping projects. The article argues that registries are increasingly positioned as a link between government and civil society not only to collect data for transparency but also to implement regulatory measures and to foster various degrees of collaboration. Thus, greater research attention to civil society mappings by government and their possible implications on civil society development and civil society/state relations is needed.     

Stalemate and Stagnation in Turkish Democratization: The Role of Civil Society and Political Parties

Both civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties are expected to be vital actors in democratic societies, yet the ideal relationship between the two types of groups has not been fully explored. This article analyses how the interaction between CSOs and political parties has affected democratic consolidation in contemporary Turkey. Through personal interviews with leaders of both types of groups, the study finds that traditional power relations have shifted to include a greater number of political actors. Islamists, who were previously peripheral in politics, have joined the traditionally dominant secular nationalists at the ‘centre’ of political power. However, instead of increased pluralism, the study finds Turkish society now polarized along secularist/Islamist lines, both in political parties and among CSOs. While restrictions against non-governmental organizations have been lifted in recent years and the number of groups has grown, most are still viewed as ‘arms’ of political parties, lacking an independent voice and political power. These findings suggest that the civil society sector in Turkey is underdeveloped and unable to contribute positively to the democratization process.     

Collective Action,Civil Society,and Public Policy in Turkey

Abstract

Understanding policy change mechanisms has been a key question for scholars of public policy and collective action. However, policy scholarship mostly ignores civil society-based explanations of policy processes. In order to address this gap, this study combines the Advocacy Coalition Framework with networked collective action perspectives and analyzes a successful case of mobilization of women’s rights organizations in Turkey to reverse a bill on child marriage. Study findings suggest that advocacy coalitions are not static entities. When different issues in a policy subsystem are invoked, the structure of inter-coalition networks can change substantially and these variations in inter-coalition interactions may have consequences for influencing policy change. Moreover, this paper argues that extensive street protests and online campaigns by civil society organizations have the capacity to boost the bargaining power of minority coalitions, especially in contexts that lack multiple formal venues for making policy claims.     

Gendered political space: civil society,contingency theory,and the substantive representation of women

Whilst existing civil society studies generally fail to systematically examine the way that contextual factors shape women’s representation in the civil sphere, political science has predominantly focused on legislative settings. This article responds to the resultant knowledge-gap by examining the hitherto underexplored role of civil society as a political space integral to the substantive representation of women (SRW)—or, the process by which women’s concerns are advanced in policy and politics. The article uses grounded theory in order propose a systematic analytical model showing how the SRW is a contingent process whereby the motives of civil society organizations are translated into action repertoires shaped by three (non-discrete) spheres: political, socioeconomic, and organizational. Its wider contribution to civil society scholarship is in highlighting how civil society is a complex, heterogeneous political space wherein SRW claims-making requires cognizance of the co-presence of contingent factors that offer immanent explanatory power.     

Civil Society and the Authoritarian State: Cooperation,Contestation and Discourse

Contemporary authoritarian regimes frequently coexist with a range of non-governmental associations, while resisting any trajectory towards democratization. This article reviews three major explanations for such political interactions, before proposing an alternative explanatory framework, using Young's dualistic approach to civil society. This approach stresses that the discursive role of civil society needs to be understood in order to explain the dynamics of coercion and cooperation faced by civil society organizations under authoritarian rule.     

Participation,Dialogue, and Civic Engagement: Understanding the Role of Organized Civil Society in Promoting Active Citizenship in the European Union

Abstract

This article looks at current policies concerning the civic and political participation of youths, women, migrants, and minorities in the European Union. It highlights the ways in which active citizenship and civic engagement have become a political priority for European institutions. Representation of local policy actors at the supranational level and strategies for the inclusion of civil society provide a platform for evaluating the impact of Europeanization at the national and subnational level. The article focuses on key discourses and narratives associated with specific policy frames (e.g. European citizenship, European social policies, and the European public sphere (EPS)). Some of the key questions addressed by the article are: What are the strategies that are employed, both by the European institutions in Brussels and organized civil society (OCS), to enhance participation and reciprocal communication? What vision of governance do practices such as active engagement and civil dialogue represent? Drawing on current theories of governance, our article contributes to the debate about the EPS by evaluating the role of OCS in bridging the gap between European institutions and national polities. Equally, our focus on traditionally marginal groups provides a platform for assessing the institutionalization of the ‘European social dimension’.     

Community Building,Civil Society and Societal Service Production in China

This article examines the Chinese scholarly discourse about promoting civil society, constructing urban and rural communities, and transferring social service provision to society. It finds that this discourse treats two separate models as if they were one. The civil society model stresses freedom to organize for advancing the aims that participants share. The community building model emphasizes community governance and empowerment. Together, these two models expect both the state and society to strengthen their presence in the same communal space. These two models have theoretical inconsistencies, but these inconsistencies disappear if civil society is understood in the very narrow terms of the ‘small government, big society' model in which the state wants to reduce its own economic burdens in social service production. It is thus likely that in China civil society either remains secondary to the state-initiated channels of social and political participation in communities, or takes place mainly on the regional or national scope in which civil society organizations no longer compete with communal ones.     

Civil society activism,strategic alignment and international public policy making for spectrum

Academic work has noted a growth in the prominence of civil society in international political-economic life, yet the conditions under which such civil society presence is developed, the ways in which it is manifest and their implications are still incompletely understood. The recent international policy debate on the allocation of spectrum provides a useful case for research aiming to close this gap in knowledge and is the focus of this article. It provides evidence of a significant – though ultimately highly contingent – civil society presence in the spectrum debate. It explains this through the construction of a framework of international civil society strategic alignment. This is used to illustrate and explain the conditions that allowed civil society to articulate its voice and the means through which and how this was achieved. The article contributes to the literature on civil society activism in communications by illustrating both its capacity for action – but also the highly significant limitations placed on it – in utilizing strategic alignment to engage in international public policy making debates.