从信仰维系到价值导向——谈政治意识形态现代化

信仰排斥计算与权衡,价值理性才是意识形态动员得以产生巨大动力的根源。依靠信仰维系是传统社会政治意识形态的共性。培育和践行社会主义核心价值观,以普遍认同的核心价值观引领新改革和新风尚,正是政治意识形态现代化的伟大变革。     

意识形态多元化与政治调和:当代西方的新现实政治

吉登斯的第三条道路学说为作为中左派的社会民主党复兴设计了合理可行的政治方案,一度使人耳目一新,但大家却没有注意到中右派的保守党派也在采用类似的方针,所以,不能全面反映当代西方政治的发展趋势。当代西方政治是一种以调和妥协为特征的新现实政治(neo-realpolitik),其社会政治背景是政治意识形态和社会政治热点问题多元化以及党派多极化。由于政治体制的差异,新现实政治在美国和欧洲国家表现不同。然而,万变不离其宗,灵活的政策和策略并没有使当代西方政治脱离基本政治规律。执政党能否最终得到选民的支持,决定于其解决经济、群体关系和国家安全问题的执政表现。     

意识形态政治功能升级与政治可持续发展

实现政治可持续发展、为社会可持续发展提供政治层面的坚实保障已是当代中国的必然抉择。而政治可持续发展的实现又离不开意识形态工作的及时跟进和有效扶持,主流意识形态政治功能的升级是推进政治可持续发展的必需环节。意识形态政治功能的升级策略选择为:建设更具包容性的主流意识形态,有效促进社会政治整合;推进意识形态现代性转向,重构政治合法性认同。     

我国政治意识形态安全方法探析

国家的意识形态安全在全球化以及一体化的浪潮下成为对国家的稳定和安全起到维护作用的一个重要途径。我国的意识形态在进行构建的时候需要注意以下几个方面的内容:第一,意识形态安全的重要介质和平台是对网络的注重;第二,意识形态安全的有效载体是文化的创新;第三,意识形态安全的物质保证是经济的发展;第四,意识形态安全的根本保障是政治的稳定;第五,意识形态安全的核心是思想的坚定。     

从马克思恩格斯到阿尔都塞:意识形态研究范式的转变

马克思恩格斯虽然不是"意识形态"概念的创始人,但他们无疑是意识形态现代话语的开创者。虽然恩格斯晚年对意识形态的理解出现了变化,但他们基本上是将意识形态作为观念来展开他们的话语的。在他们之后,无论是马克思主义谱系还是非马克思主义谱系,没有人超越这种研究范式。直到阿尔都塞,他经由葛兰西实现了意识形态研究范式的转变,即将意识形态的理解由人的思想观念转向了社会结构和实践结构等物质性的存在。本文虽然不赞同阿尔都塞将意识形态作为物质性存在的思想,但认为这种研究范式暴露了传统的马克思主义意识形态理论的两个框架性问题,同时,在意识形态的研究域及其微观运行机制方面也超越了传统的马克思主义意识形态理论。     

生存论路向对知识论路向的超越 --马克思历史生存论在本体论层面实现的变革

马克思哲学变革,并非是相对于"本体论"而实现的"实践论转向".它仍然是在"本体论"内部实现的变革.在本体论层面上的变革应被理解为"生存论路向"对"知识论路向"的超越.在这个意义上,马克思哲学就是"历史生存论".它不同于海德格尔的"此在演历",即个体直观的"此在生存论".     

思想自由与政治伦理:意识形态领导权的几个问题

在中国社会转型的历史进程中,意识形态领导权是一个需要破解的重大理论和实践命题。本文讨论了意识形态领导权的三个基本问题:即意识形态领导权的特性、意识形态领导权与思想自由的关系以及政治伦理的现实表现对意识形态领导权的影响。     

内涵式发展:消费意识形态批判的思想政治教育意义

消费意识形态作为一种潜隐于经济生活领域的虚假意识,在中国的渗透离不开消费社会的形成。立足于消费社会的现实背景,思想政治教育开展消费意识形态批判,有助于实现教育领域向经济生活领域延伸,拓展教育外延。思想政治教育外延的拓展,有助于推动教育内容与人的经济活动相结合,发展出消费导向、信贷教育、绿色引领等新功能。思想政治教育功能的发展,有助于促使传导功能的载体因事制宜,开发出社会治理、微课教学、微信应用等新载体。由此,批判消费意识形态将推进思想政治教育的内涵式发展,为新时代思想政治教育带来创新性意义。     

话语的诠释:意识形态对政治典型建构的操纵

政治典型是以话语系统为基础的意识形态存在,意识形态通过其话语霸权操纵政治典型的建构。在意识形态的话语霸权之下,政治典型的建构往往被归入模式化的理解轨道之中,导致了政治典型的单调乏味和意义超载。由于政治等级结构之下存在着意识形态话语权的等级结构,使得政治典型也存在着权威分等。人们通过对政治典型中话语的解读与评判,可以使政治典型的意识形态性自我展现。当主流意识形态话语建构的政治典型再也得不到一般社会的认可和合法地位时,也就意味着主流意识形态的崩溃。     

从生存政治到生活政治：日常生活视阈下的乡村治理转向

生存政治、生活政治两个概念分别代表从传统到现代发展的不同阶段。生存政治阶段的主题是满足基本生存,生活政治阶段的主题是追寻多元的生活方式与满足自我实现的需求。用生存政治、生活政治概念考察我国乡村社会变迁,发现当下乡村正处于从生存政治到生活政治的过渡期。从日常生活视阈来看,我国在传统农业社会乃至改革开放初期的现代农业起步阶段,都维持着一种生存政治的状态,相应的治理也以维持生存为导向。直到中国特色社会主义进入新时代,才使农民基本摆脱生存政治状态并开始向生活政治状态过渡。转向生活政治的乡村治理应该进一步提高农民物质生活水平,提供多元的社会参与方式、生活方式选择,促使治理方式由宏观的事本主义向微观的、以服务为主的人本主义转型,培育多元治理主体,提供更多价值观念、情感链接以及自我实现方面的选择。     

Ideology and Political Alienation

A substantial literature over the years has focused on the relationship between political alienation and ideology. Much of this research contends that conservatives are more alienated than liberals because philosophically they believe that the best government is that which governs least. A close reading of the literature, however, reveals little consistency in the empirical findings. Survey data from Norway, Sweden, and the United States are used to provide a more extensive and consistent test of the hypothesis. Ideology is defined as both left/right self-identification and policy preference on economic and "new political" issues. The evidence reveals that in Scandinavia higher levels of alienation are found among conservatives, whereas in the US the left has been consistently more alienated, except on "new politics" issues. The discrepancy between the citizen's preferred ideological orientation and that which the public perceives the government to take, is used to explain the different findings for the three countries and the shifts in the relationship between ideology and alienation across time.     

Political Ideology and Social Services Contracting: Evidence from a Regression Discontinuity Design

Theoretical perspectives on the ideological influences on government contracting predict that local governments controlled by right-wing political parties will contract out a higher proportion of services than those controlled by left-wing parties. However, empirical evidence on the impact of political ideology on contracting out remains inconclusive. To cast new light on this important issue, the authors apply a quasi-experimental research design to contracting choices in children's social services in English local government. Because local governments in England are largely divided along partisan lines, it is possible to estimate ideological effects using a regression discontinuity design that captures changes in political control at 50 percent of the seats gained in local elections. The regression discontinuity estimates reveal that left-wing controlled local governments exhibit a marked aversion to private sector involvement in service provision and a clear preference for in-house service provision. These results are robust to a variety of alternative specifications.     

Political Information, Political Involvement, and Reliance on Ideology in Political Evaluation

Many studies have focused on the relationship between political information and the use of ideology. Here, we argue that two “evaluative motivations”—general investment of the self in politics and extremity of partisanship—serve as moderators of this relationship. Specifically, we use data from two recent national surveys to test whether the possession of information is more strongly associated with a tendency to approach politics in an ideological fashion among individuals high in both types of evaluative motivation. Results supported this hypothesis, revealing that information was more strongly associated with ideological constraint and with a tendency to give polarized evaluations of conservatives and liberals among those who highly invest the self in politics and those with more extreme partisanship. As such, this study suggests that information and involvement interact to shape the use of ideology.     

Ideology and Interests in the Political Marketplace

I develop a statistical method to measure the ideology of candidates and political action committees (PACs) using contribution data. The method recovers ideal points for incumbents that strongly correlate with ideological measures recovered from voting records, while simultaneously recovering positions for PACs, unsuccessful challengers, and open‐seat candidates. As the candidate ideal points are estimated independently of voting records, they represent a useful new resource for testing models of legislative behavior. By incorporating nonideological covariates known to influence PAC contributions, the method also shows promise as a platform for furthering our understanding of PAC contribution behavior.     

Ideology Justifies Morality: Political Beliefs Predict Moral Foundations

Moral Foundations Theory (MFT) is employed as a causal explanation of ideology that posits political attitudes are products of moral intuitions. Prior theoretical models, however, suggest the opposite causal path, that is, that moral judgments are driven by political beliefs. In both instances, however, extant research has assumed rather than explicitly tested for causality. So do moral intuitions drive political beliefs or do political beliefs drive moral intuitions? We empirically address this question using data from two panel studies and one nationally representative study, and find consistent evidence supporting the hypothesis that ideology predicts moral intuitions. The findings have significant implications for MFT as a theory of ideology, and also about the consequences of political beliefs for shaping how individuals rationalize what is right and what is wrong.     

Intuitive Ethics and Political Orientations: Testing Moral Foundations as a Theory of Political Ideology

Originally developed to explain cultural variation in moral judgments, moral foundations theory (MFT) has become widely adopted as a theory of political ideology. MFT posits that political attitudes are rooted in instinctual evaluations generated by innate psychological modules evolved to solve social dilemmas. If this is correct, moral foundations must be relatively stable dispositional traits, changes in moral foundations should systematically predict consequent changes in political orientations, and, at least in part, moral foundations must be heritable. We test these hypotheses and find substantial variability in individual‐level moral foundations across time, and little evidence that these changes account for changes in political attitudes. We also find little evidence that moral foundations are heritable. These findings raise questions about the future of MFT as a theory of ideology.     

当前中国经济发展的不可持续性及其向科学发展的转型

发展是人类物质活动和精神生活,是社会科学尤其经济学的一个永恒的主题.在全球化与发展时代以及世界各国处于不断地变革、调整和转型的重要历史时期,为了解决转型期发展中大国的可持续发展问题,总结中国发展的经验,借鉴国外新发展理论及其成功的经验,应该正确认识"什么叫发展,怎样发展,为谁发展、依靠谁发展"等一系列问题,在科学发展观的指引下,克服和杜绝Jobless、Ruthless、Voiceless、Rootless、Futureless、Independenceless一类病态的经济发展理念,以改革开放的不断创新推动转型期发展中大国的可持续发展,即创新型发展、公平与和谐型发展、绿色型发展和非依附型发展.     

Does Political Ideology Affect Economic Growth?

This paper asks the question whether political ideology affects economic growth. Voters may demand inefficient levels of redistribution and government intervention, and they may care too little for aspects that really matter for the economy. Their norms and perceptions of society might, via their political ideology, affect economic performance. The paper presents evidence suggesting that rightwing societies have grown faster in the last decades than other democratic societies. Further analysis suggests that these societies develop better legal systems and less government intervention, which in turn explain some but not all of the growth difference.     

Political and public acceptability of congestion pricing: Ideology and self‐interest

Studies of the “stated preferences” of households generally report public and political opposition by urban commuters to congestion pricing. It is thought that this opposition inhibits or precludes tolls and pricing systems that would enhance efficiency in the use of scarce roadways. This paper analyzes the only case in which road pricing was decided by a citizen referendum on the basis of experience with a specific pricing system. The city of Stockholm introduced a toll system for seven months in 2006, after which citizens voted on its permanent adoption. We match precinct voting records to resident commute times and costs by traffic zone, and we analyze patterns of voting in response to economic and political incentives. We document political and ideological incentives for citizen choice, but we also find that the pattern of time savings and incremental costs exerts a powerful influence on voting behavior. In this instance, at least, citizen voters behave as if they value commute time highly. When they have experienced first‐hand the out‐of‐pocket costs and time savings of a specific pricing scheme, they are prepared to adopt freely policies that reduce congestion on urban motorways. © 2010 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.