A “German Paperchase”: The “Scrap of Paper” Controversy and the Problem of Myth and Memory in International History

abstract

Anglo‐Russian relations during the period 1894–1914 were filled with incidents in large part stemming from the very different social and political frameworks of the two countries. The two countries had sharply differing traditions concerning individual liberty, freedom of the press and other such matters usually covered by the rubric of human rights. While the realities of great power politics forced the two countries to work together, it is not surprising that their collaboration was often marred by clashes of political and social sensibilities.     

中国与俄罗斯:政治发展的理论价值与现实意义

30年来的中国和近8年的俄罗斯在政治发展道路上取得了长足的进步.这不仅是中俄两个饱受磨难而又不屈不挠的民族的巨大幸事,而且也是对人类社会进步的巨大贡献.与国际上某些国家极力输出或复制西式民主不同,中国和俄罗斯立足本国国情,积极探索符合大多数人利益的政治路线.正确处理好社会民主、个人自由、国家稳定和政治效率的关系,清除了种种社会障碍,为经济快速增长提供了较好的政治保障.在当今复杂矛盾的国际大背景下,中俄社会的政治发展彰显出独特的理论价值和国际意义.不能否认,与遥远的、可望而不可即的某些西方政治模式相比,中俄两国的发展道路对周边及某些发展中国家可能更现实、更贴近.随着国际关系民主化的进一步扩展,未来人类社会的民主会更加成熟、多样,各国的民主之花会绽放得更加多姿多彩.     

从社会运动到内战的演变机制 ——基于中东变局的考察

受到中东变局波及的中东国家,尽管结构背景大同小异,但各国爆发的社会运动带来的国内影响却截然不同,如突尼斯和埃及发生了较为平和的变革,而利比亚、叙利亚却爆发了内战。社会运动在不同的国家之所以产生不同的结果,原因在于抗议者能否形成跨阶层动员以及军队的立场选择。抗议者形成跨阶层动员,是社会运动得以持续并实现规模扩大的前提;在大规模社会运动面前,军队内部是否发生分裂,则决定该国是否爆发内战。就此而言,社会运动演变为内战需要两个条件,一个是形成跨阶层动员,一个是部分军队支持抗议活动或在抗议活动中保持中立。这一分析模式有助于研究者对社会运动是否会演变为内战进行预测。     

印尼一印度战略伙伴关系：动因、发展及影响

自2005年11月印尼与印度建立战略伙伴关系以来,两国在政治与安全、经济与贸易等领域取得了快速发展,特别是两国的贸易额提前完成政府规定的目标。在未来5—10年,将是两国关系加速发展时期,经济与贸易仍然是两国关系的主轴。鉴于两国日益增强的国力,两国关系的发展不仅对于两国本身,而且对整个亚州区域一体化将起到积极的推动作用,成为南南合作的典范。印尼一印度战略伙伴关系的发展将对中国与东盟关系产生一定的制衡作用,但更多地是机遇。     

特朗普执政与美国对华政策的新阶段（英文）

While President Trump's governing concept and policy preferences would inevitably affect the US agenda and pattern of interaction with China, fundamentally it is the political, economic and social changes within the two countries that have driven the transformation of bilateral relations. The new phase of the United States' China policy has thus put forward higher requirements for bilateral interactions.     

Globalization and Political Violence, 1970–2008

The question of globalization's effect on social harmony continues to be fiercely debated. We use a comprehensive measure of globalization (the KOF index) designed to capture the intensity of connectivity among countries along economic, social, and political dimensions. Our results suggest that globalization, particularly economic and social globalization, predicts a lower risk of civil war and political repression, but economic globalization predicts lower repression even after unit heterogeneity is accounted. When country fixed effects are accounted, political globalization's effect is problematic for human rights, suggesting that politically influential states escape the constraining effects of globalization on political repression. Indeed, globalization generally shows up as more important than per capita income, a variable often found to be one of the most robust determinants of political violence. The results taken together support those who argue that increased globalization may enhance prospects for social progress, not social resistance and political violence as skeptics claim.     

2010年大选之后的中缅关系：挑战与前景

缅甸2010年大选之前,中缅关系中中国较长时期是缅甸最重要的伙伴,但中缅关系中矛盾也始终存在,缅甸也一直在谋求与西方国家改善关系。2010年缅甸大选之后,中缅关系总体上保持了友好合作的态势,但缅甸国内政治的变化以及西方国家与缅甸关系的改善对中缅关系的挑战也是客观存在的。未来中缅两国之间的地缘政治和经济因素依然存在,中缅还将继续加强在政治、经济、社会领域的合作,但中国在众多大国对缅关系中独占鳌头的局面将不复存在,缅甸在中缅双边关系中的主动性会上升。     

2010年东南亚政治经济发展概述

2010年东南亚地区政治经济形势的发展特点可以概括为“政治上喜忧参半,经济上整体上扬,区域合作缓慢推进”。总体上讲,除泰国外,东南亚地区各国基本上都保持了政治社会的稳定;尽管挑战明显增加,但东盟共同体建设以及由东盟主导的东亚合作仍然缓慢推进;东盟国家整体实现恢复性增长,东南亚成为最具经济活力的地区之一。     

The accountability function of the courts in Tanzania and Zambia

This comparative analysis of the judiciaries in Tanzania and Zambia finds that neither one has developed a strong accountability function vis-à-vis the government. It goes on to address why judges in the two countries rarely have restrained the government in politically significant cases, identifying three sets of factors that may explain why the judges perform as they do: the legal culture; the institutional structure; and the social legitimacy of the courts. The study concludes that there are signs in the Tanzanian judiciary of a certain willingness to hold the government accountable in politically salient cases, but that their opportunity to do so is limited, due to institutional, social and political factors restricting the flow of constitutional cases. The Zambian courts have more political cases and opportunities for fulfilling an accountability function vis-à-vis the executive, but are reluctant to assert such authority. This is attributed to the legal culture and to political pressure.     

从粮食危机反思拉美贸易和农业政策改革

2006～2008年国际大宗粮食价格快速上涨最终酿成了一场世界范围内的粮食危机,期间美国次贷危机的全面爆发更增添了其复杂性.文章主要从供需失衡、投机活动、生物能源开发、发展中国家农业生产受到制约、市场垄断结构等方面分析危机发生的原因,同时阐述危机对拉美国家造成的负面影响:社会骚乱和政局动荡、通货膨胀攀升、赤贫人口增加、国际收支恶化,等等.拉美国家采取的紧急救助、价格控制等措施只在短期内缓解了危机程度,但并未真正解决粮食危机.对拉美国家而言,过去30多年贸易和农业发展中的政策偏差才是造成这种"富饶中的匮乏"现象的根源.因此,拉美国家应建立长期的农业发展战略,并通过集体行动纠正全球农业生产与贸易之间的系统性不平衡.     

试论泰国政治发展的经验

政治发展是指政治系统的正向变迁过程,目的是社会价值的公正、公平的分配。在这个过程中,政治的诸要素得以改变以适应这个目标的实现。泰国正处在一个政治发展的新阶段,其社会政治力量在分化组合,政治文化也在转型,政治体制的调整日益到位。泰国的政治发展虽有着自己独特的历程,但其经验也值得发展中国家借鉴。这些经验包括:政治发展必须以合法性为阶段性目标;政治稳定至关重要;军队地位的适当与否,影响政治发展;政治发展应该有相应的政治文化支撑;国家整合是政治发展的必要前提等。     

军事政变和独裁交替下的泰国民主化道路——泰国民主化的特征与未来

比其他亚洲国家起步早的泰国民主化道路走得并不平坦,军事政变和政治独裁的交替似乎成为了近70多年来泰国政治的主线。这种奇特的政治现象和泰国的政治文化、宗教意识、教育水平、社会结构等因素密切联系在一起。最初由精英发起的泰国民主化运动,如果得不到整个国民的回应,没有获得成熟市民社会的支持,真正的民主主义也就不可能在泰国扎根。     

Party systems in Latin America: institutionalization,decay, and collapse,edited by Scott Mainwaring

Although coming of age under a totalitarian regime drastically reduces the chances of acquiring democratic values or supporting democracy, factors other than the formal nature of the political regime shape political values as well. The informal structure of the political regime, which consists of rules developed in political practice and economic and human development, may shape individual values and attitudes and produce different attitudes towards democracy in different totalitarian regimes. This article focuses on the effect of early socialization on the support for democracy among citizens who have been ruled under two different non-democratic regimes. We compare the dynamics in Spain and Romania during the post-totalitarian period with the aim of identifying how coming of age operated in these two different totalitarian regimes and how each type of non-democratic regime affected the legitimacy of the new democratic rule. Using survey data from various sources (Standard Eurobarometer, Central and Eastern Eurobarometer and Candidate Countries Eurobarometer) that allow both longitudinal and cross-sectional comparisons, we decompose the social change in support for democracy over the post-totalitarian period in both countries using cross-classified fixed effects models. The analyses demonstrate the different effects of socialization on support for democracy in these two different totalitarian contexts.     

非洲海洋污染控制法律机制初探

非洲的海洋污染形势非常严峻。为此,非洲各国采纳了一系列全球性和区域性法律机制。其中后者虑及了非洲近岸海域独特的自然、地理及人文等方面的独特性,较好地推动了非洲区域沿海国家之间的区域合作。但基于政治、经济及社会等诸多因素,非洲各国政府未能有效实施海洋污染控制法律机制,导致了海洋污染形势的恶化。因此,非洲的海洋污染与可持续发展问题需要国际社会的关注,更需要非洲各国自主地予以应对。     

Public and private: change and continuity in economy through two meta-fields in society

The current literature on comparative political economy does not seem to consider unifying under a single theoretical framework the analysis of continuity and change in different economic systems. On the one hand, major comparative works derive their theoretical propositions from dynamics in the Western world. On the other, studies that are focused on national trajectories of development are concentrated in cross-national comparisons involving countries with similar characteristics in what concerns strategies of development. In this paper, I argue that all fields in the world of social action are pervaded by two major fields, hereby dubbed ‘meta-fields’: public and private. Both are in a ‘double movement’ to shape each other's boundaries through the definition of social and property rights that regulate access to human capabilities and capital. Public and private are meta-fields because they constrain human action and the organization of social configurations on state and non-state levels.     

当前中亚地区宗教极端势力活动的主要特点、趋势及影响

2010年以来,中亚地区宗教极端势力趋于活跃：趁中亚部分国家政局动荡和社会危机加紧向政坛渗透;利用中亚地区新一轮伊斯兰化思潮加大极端思想宣传;完善组织体系和实施新的暴力恐怖活动。中亚地区宗教极端势力的活跃将对地区国家政治、经济建设、地区间国家关系产生重要影响。     

Turkey's New Foreign Policy and the Future of Turkey–EU Relations

When European Muslim citizens are involved in social conflicts or when they contest the place that is given them in Europe, these political claims are often seen as radical and inspired by external influences. If an attempt is made to understand what part the influences of the so-called Muslim “countries of origin” play in the way Muslims contest European models of society and integration, it turns out that the roots of radicalisation are often purely European. The idea that it is the Islamic and communitarian nature of the European Muslim way of life which is at the base of their failing integration has to be challenged. Indeed, the initiatives of religious actors have failed to channel the radicalisation of European Muslims’ political demands. The role of the religious variable is of much less importance in political radicalisation than the lack of an institutional response to the demands for greater social and economic integration.     

新条件下推进中俄经贸合作重要问题研究

目前 ,在中俄两国政治关系不断改善与升级的同时 ,两国经贸关系虽有较大发展 ,但仍有着不稳定、水平不高、进出口结构单一和不规范的特点。进入 2 1世纪 ,加强中俄经贸合作对进一步巩固两国的政治关系、促进经济发展具有重要的战略意义。为此 ,在新的历史条件下 ,应以新的思路与对策 ,积极推进两国经贸合作的发展。     

Accelerate Women＇s Economic Progress and Showcase Women＇s Abilities： 2010 Global Summit of Women held in Beijing

[Editor＇s Notes] Global Summit of Women （GSW） is a non-governmental organization based in Washington DC. Founded by its President Irene Natividad in 1990, GSW, also known as ＂Davos for Women＂, holds its annual summit in different countries. Aimed at building an alliance of women across the world, GSW encourages the forging of ties among prestigious and influential women from political, economic and other sectors,     

族性视野中多民族国家族际政治问题比较研究——基于尼日利亚与印度尼西亚民族国家建构的经验观察

族性是影响多民族国家安全及其族际政治走向的关键变量。它既能促进族际政治整合、维护国家安全、有助于民族国家建构,也能导致族际政治冲突、危及国家安全、阻碍民族国家建构。以"族性"为分析视角,通过对尼日利亚与印度尼西亚民族国家建构历程的梳理及其族际政治问题的比较,其共性特征包括:族际政治问题的分析单位是多民族国家;族际政治问题虽然发生在现实中的多民族国家,却往往带有深刻的历史根源;政治与文化边界的重叠是族际政治问题产生的逻辑起点;国内不同民族群体无法得到平等公正对待是导致族际政治问题的核心因素;军事专政和腐败会增加族际政治问题的风险和国家安全的不确定性。解决多民族国家族际政治问题、确保国家安全的关键在于如何让一个在历史上和观念中都不曾存在的国家民族能够超越族性分界而被成功建构。结合两国国情提出应对策略:寻找重叠共识,建构文化多元、政治一体的国族共同体;借鉴差异政治和差别公民权利思想,探寻积极回应不同民族群体正当利益诉求、实现各族人民成果共享、利益均沾的政治制度、体制和机制;消除军人在政治生活中的影响,惩治腐败;探索包容促进多语言、多宗教和谐相处的民族政策。