缅甸"金三角"的人文地理与毒品贸易

60年代至70年代,罗星汉和罗星民两兄弟是"金三角"最大的毒枭.80年代冒出了一个臭名远扬的坤沙,取代罗星汉,成为"金三角"的头号大毒枭.90年代正当坤沙的势力日渐式微的时候,又冒出了更多年富力强、神通广大的新毒枭.新的海洛因王国还伴随着前几年缅甸国内发生的两起重大政治事件而兴旺发达起来.自1989年缅共发生内讧导致该地区的内战结束后,原缅共的指挥官和干部获准在缅甸北部地区自由行动.这种自由行动同政府允许他们自由操业的政策结合在一起,使该地区发生了一个明显的变化,那就是毒品加工从比较简单的生鸦片生产工序发展到建立先进的海洛因提炼厂.     

Gypsies and Society in Iraq: Between Marginality,Folklore and Romanticism

This article focuses on a Gypsy group that lives in Iraq, away from the main concentrations in Europe. Although Gypsies apparently arrived in Mesopotamia around the tenth century, long before many Arab tribes and despite their cultural assimilation into the local culture, Gypsies were not assimilated into the local society, partly because the local society rejected them and partly because they did not want to assimilate. The difference in the attitude of the local society to the Gypsies lies in their perceived ‘impurity’ and their occupation, dancing and music, in which Gypsy women are employed. Iraqi Gypsies had long suffered from social as well as governmental discrimination: Iraqi citizenship was given to them only in 1979. Unexpectedly, it was the Iraqi dictatorship of Saddam Hussein which improved their status considerably, yet, at the same time, made them dependent on the regime. Consequently, after the fall of the Ba`th regime, Gypsies now face a bleak future. The article gives a concise historical presentation of Gypsy life in twentieth century Iraq and takes a closer look at literary views of the Gypsies, reflecting the limits of liberal attitudes toward them.     

TRANSGRESSING "VICTIMS" Reading Narratives of "Filipina Brides" in Japan

This article traces the discourse on Filipina hanayome (brides) in administratively mediated international marriages (kokusai kekkon) in Japan from the mid 1980s to the present. In narratives of “international marriages” in the late 1980s, “Filipina” came to index the “problem of brides from Asia.” As seen elsewhere, various textual and media representations have depicted rural Filipino women as socioeconomic victims and sexually subjugated women. Simultaneously, however, constructions of Filipina hanayome in rural Japan have been given local twists. Drawing on examples from largely neglected written texts in Japanese and from an ethnographic vignette, the article next focuses on sexual subjectivity and economic autonomy, two dimensions of the women's lives in which they struggle to recapture their own ways of imputing meanings to their lives vis-à-vis various social forces. In so doing, this article interrogates certain feminist and popular depictions of hanayome.     

The Mythical Australian: Barry Humphries, Gough Whitlam and "New Nationalism"

Gough Whitlam's decision in 1974 to appear in Barry Humphries's film about a larrikin abroad, Barry McKenzie Holds His Own , marks a potent moment in Australia's post-imperial history — a moment when the politics of Australian theatre and the theatre of Australian politics directly coincided. In their different spheres, Humphries and Whitlam dramatised the waning British connection felt by Australians. Whitlam's own version of "new nationalism" was brash and confident enough to embrace the eccentricities and vulgarities of Humphries's satire. Yet Whitlam's "new nationalism", like Humphries's satire, was highly ambivalent. Humphries's first film, The Adventures of Barry McKenzie , was a direct product of the new nationalist enthusiasm that had brought Whitlam to power. Although it was savaged by the critics, the film was a box-office success. Intellectuals such as Patrick White, Manning Clark and Geoffrey Dutton lavished praise on Humphries and his satirical portrayal of Australian anxieties about culture and national identity. Humphries portrayed the underlying dilemma that Whitlam faced in refashioning the image of modern Australia: how to throw off the symbols of colonialism and find meaningful symbols to replace them. In the process, both the politician and the humourist rediscovered a particular and enduring affection for the mother country.     

Remembering Civil Patrols in Joyabaj, Guatemala

During the civil war in Guatemala, which only ended with the signing of the comprehensive Peace Accords in December 1996, the military organised the male population throughout the Guatemalan highlands into civil defence patrols (Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, PAC). Initially set up to help the military to win the war, they eventually evolved into a local power player in their own right. Although the patrols were dismantled in 1996, former patrols still influence daily life. This paper examines how, at the municipal level, current memories of the civil war, especially of the civil defence patrols, still shape perceptions, actions, and social relations. These are marked by fear, prejudice, and distrust, thereby creating important impediments for erasing the legacy of violence and building local democracy and civil society.     

LIMITED WAR,UNLIMITED TARGETS

In the early days of the Korean War, the U.S. Air Force (USAF) had a policy of precision bombing military targets only. Policy-makers in Washington, D.C., formulated this policy to ensure the protection of Korean civilians and to increase the effectiveness of their air operations. Senior USAF officers in Korea, however, were unhappy about the limitations placed on them by Washington. In their strategic air operations against targets in North Korea USAF officers followed Washington's precision bombing policy, but they insisted that USAF bombers be permitted to use incendiary bombs against population centers in North Korea. China's entry into the war in November 1950 led to a drastic change in the precision bombing policy. On 5 November 1950, when the UN forces began suffering defeat after defeat in battles with the new enemy, General Douglas MacArthur designated cities and villages in North Korea as “main bombing targets” and permitted the use of incendiary bombs, which had been used in attacks against Japanese cities during World War II. From that point until the end of the war, the USAF regarded North Korean cities and villages as their crucial targets as political and military occasion demanded.     

国籍·民族主义·"社会主义":战后缅甸华侨国籍个案研究

吴努时期,缅甸华侨中存在国籍(选择)问题的主要是第一代移民、一代和少数二代以上的侨生.这一时期这部分华侨入籍并不积极,入籍比例较低.这主要是缅甸民族主义政策对华侨的影响,吴努政府对"社会主义"的理解和实践,中缅关系的亲善,中国对缅甸华侨的影响等多种因素综合作用的结果.     

Pleading for a place in modern Egypt: negotiating poverty and patriarchy, 1908–1913

ABSTRACT

This paper examines the petitions of a poor woman, Jalila Sa?d, who sought educational opportunities and property from the Egyptian government between 1908 and 1913. Her interest in procuring a ‘place’ for her sons and her family in modernizing Egypt reflects the ways in which non-elites were able to participate in and move within the major physical and discursive public spaces of the era. This study argues that even those at the very edges of society were not categorically marginalized; rather, they were negotiating the dominant spatial hierarchies of their time in attempts to better their circumstances. This ability to navigate and participate in the prevailing discussions and institutions of the time demonstrates that even the most marginalized elements of Egyptian society were quite integrated into the project of ‘modern Egypt’, even if they did not always reap its benefits.     

韩国文学汉译的“赞助者”研究

在当下的翻译研究中,翻译活动中的“赞助者”研究日益受到重视。而韩国文学汉译领域中的相关研究还处在萌芽的阶段。韩国文学作品在中国翻译、出版,韩国文学翻译院起到了巨大的推动作用。本文对其2001年成立至今资助翻译、资助出版中文译著的情况进行梳理,力图揭示其对韩国文学在中国翻译、传播中起到的作用、影响以及不足之处。     

Biomedical loopholes, distrusted state, and the politics of HIV/AIDS "cure" in Nigeria

As socio-medical phenomena, epidemics are revealing of the cultures in which they are experienced. The HIV/AIDS epidemic in Africa exposes antecedent tensions between state and society, and, on a broader canvas, between the global north and south. As a contribution to the emerging literature on the social ramifications of HIV/AIDS, this article examines the saga of the Nigerian physician and immunologist, Dr Jeremiah Abalaka, who like other innovators in sub-Saharan Africa claims to have developed a curative HIV vaccine. Whilst articulating the social conditions that enabled Abalaka to thrive, the article explores the marked differences in the reaction to his "discovery" among state representatives, the scientific establishment, the general public, people living with HIV, and the media. Finally, the article valorizes the emergence of new actors in the African health sector, and the diversity of strategies used by ordinary people to achieve and maintain wellness.     

MEDIA,IDENTITY, AND STRUGGLE IN TWENTY-FIRST-CENTURY CHINA

The experience of international migration is generally found to turn migrants into culturally hybrid communities. Yet, migrant communities often hold on to their religious moorings even as they relocate. From the 1970s onwards, the emerging leadership of Hindu settlers in Denmark consciously tried to transfer with them what they saw to be key aspects of Hinduism as they migrated to Denmark. In 1985, Hindus organized a major conference to position the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council) as the umbrella organization for Hinduism in Denmark. Later on they established a Temple of Indians called Bharatiya Mandir to provide a place of worship for local Hindus. The philosophy behind the temple conformed to the nondenominational Hindu nationalist vision of Hindus as a unified community. This article, which contrasts the aim of Hindu nationalism with the on-the-ground realities of Hindu mobilization in Denmark, reveals that two major factions spearheaded Hindu nationalist endeavors in Denmark from the 1980s until 2006. The two factions successfully launched several projects, and even collaborated in their execution, but the initiatives were beset with rivalries that hampered the communal unity they had set out to achieve. The authors analyze this factional rivalry as an expression of Indian political culture, arguing that tensions among Hindu activists in Denmark is an instance of the political factionalism prevalent in the Indian subcontinent. The unintended emergence of such factionalism represents the successful transfer of a core element of Indian political culture to a new locale through Hindu nationalist politics. The authors base their argument on field observations since the 1980s, recent interviews with key religious players, and more than two hundred pages of written materials that offer a rare entry point to the study of Hindu nationalism ex situ.     

Between the town and the mountain: abortion and the politics of life in Edith Wharton's "Summer"

In the early twentieth century, American laws focused on women's reproductive capacities and were coalescing into the ethical and moral frameworks that subtend American reproductive politics today. Edith Wharton published her 1917 novel, Summer, at a time when anti-abortion sentiment was widespread in American culture. Through a reading of Summer, the article provides a theoretical and historical framework for understanding this new American obsession with the judicial regulation of women's reproductive options. In particular, I situate the novel's presentation of abortion within the tension between the carefully defined laws of North Dormer, the town in which the majority of the story takes place, and the lawlessness of the Mountain, a place that looms throughout the story as the protagonist's birthplace and a location of utmost abjection. The novel's profound insight is that power does not function unilaterally and individually but through and on the population. Furthermore, Wharton leaps ahead by recognizing that life is not simply that which lives but that which is recognized and embraced by the law. This realization, one that Wharton must have come to terms with through her painful work with World War I refugees, shapes Charity's character and her understanding not only of how reproduction is regulated but also of how living within this regulation and control generates the norm and offers the only possibility for a liveable and legible life.     

"Cold Storage": British Policy and the Beginnings of the Irian Barat/West New Guinea Dispute

During the struggle for independence, the British had sought to bring the Dutch and the Indonesians together: they wanted the friendship of the Dutch, their neighbours in Europe, but also believed that the Western powers could stay in Southeast Asia only if they came to terms with nationalism. The 1949 agreement that transferred sovereignty postponed the question of Irian Barat/West New Guinea. The British rather hoped that the Dutch would stay but,particularly as the Cold War intensified, did not wish to alienate the Indonesians. If no agreement could be reached on the issue, they wanted to put it into "cold storage" for a number of years. The Australian government was not satisfied with these policies. It opposed an Indonesian takeover, or indeed any Indonesian role in West New Guinea. Its aim was thepreservation of the status quo: even "cold storage" was insufficient.     

"God We Had Fun": The CIA in China and Sino-American Relations

This article deals with two sets of memories of the Partition of British India in 1947. The first is defined as “Partition memory”; the second set consists of the memories of Muslims who reside today in the state of Jharkhand, India. The author shows that the “enactment” of Partition memory — at different times, in different places and ways, and with different intentions — reinforces the original division of British India into two separate nations, along religious lines, and divides people into binary-opposed but internally homogenous communities of “Hindu locals” and “Muslim foreigners.” Drawing on interviews conducted in Jharkhand in 2000-2001, the author shows that local Muslims experienced the events of 1947 very differently from what Partition memory would suggest. Their memories, which are rarely included in the official history of Partition, challenge the dominant history by underscoring multiple identities based on region rather than on religion. The author concludes by emphasizing that memories similar to those presented in this article should be included in the official Partition history for two reasons: they challenge the threat that a one-sided presentation of Partition memory poses and they will enrich and possibly even transform official Partition history.     

Between Two Fires: Mayangna Indians in Post‐Revolutionary Nicaragua, 1979–1990

The predominant Mayangna narrative of the Nicaraguan Civil War holds that the Miskitu tricked them into joining the conflict. However, I argue here that the Mayangna leadership and the Sandinista government were also responsible, as Sandinista denial of the importance of ethnic difference in Nicaragua allowed Miskitu nationalists, using the language of religion, to co‐opt Mayangna leaders, while subsequent Sandinista violence turned Mayangna civilians against the revolution. Accusations of trickery stem from later Mayangna disillusion with the war and from problems with the autonomous political system set up in its wake, which encourages the Mayangna to underplay the role of their own leaders and the Sandinista government in embroiling them in the conflict. This one‐sided narrative, however, increasingly defines Mayangna interpretations of their very identity as a people.     

Power elites,war and postwar reconstruction in Africa: Continuities,discontinuities and paradoxes

This article interrogates the manner in which the composition, character, regeneration, and accumulation strategies of power elites and the organisation of their hegemony is being affected or unaffected by recent developments, most especially, civil wars and their corollary, postwar reconstruction, in Africa. By seeking to understand how conflicts and post-conflict reconstruction alter or transform the character, recruitment and role of power elites, and the operational context (the nature of the state) in Africa, this article draws attention to the prospects of transforming the nature of leadership in Africa. I contend that the capacity for violence and terror by individuals (especially young combatants who were previously marginalised) and armed groups has become a new marker of elitism and a leverage on peace agreements. Moreover, post-Cold War conflicts in Africa have accentuated the emergence of war-making power elites as ‘executors’ and ‘trustees’ of peace treaties, or ‘peace celebrities’ with considerable leverage on the course and outcomes of postwar reconstruction. The instability in post-1989 Liberia is used as a case study to reflect this claim. I also cite examples of members and leaders of armed groups in countries such as Côte d'Ivoire, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo where the capacity for violence translated into political rewards and gains in peace agreements.     

战后东南亚"南强北弱"经济格局成因分析

二战后,东南亚诸国都制定经济发展战略,重建国民经济体系。但是,到20世纪80年代末90年代初期,北方印支三国及缅甸的经济发展水平远远落后于南方各国,东南亚地区形成了“南强北弱”的经济格局。究其成因,主要外因有:西方殖民主义者殖民统治方式的不同对东南亚区域内经济发展的不平衡起了加剧作用,美苏在东南亚的“冷战”及相关战争使印支三国失去相对和平的经济恢复环境;内因则是南北方国家经济发展体制与发展战略方面存在差距。     

Between Tradition and Modernity: Yeşilçam Melodrama,its Stars,and their Audiences

Melodrama, the most popular genre of Ye?ilçam cinema (1960s Turkish popular cinema), provides a useful source for unravelling the social contradictions and anxieties caused by the Turkish modernization/westernization process, in that the films both construct modernity as a desired state and criticize it as cosmetic westernization. Against this background, this article considers the images of Ye?ilçam stars both as agents of the ambivalent discourse on modernity in films and as embodiments of truly modern/western lifestyles outside cinema. The article explores the social reception of the stars' off-screen images, based on letters published in two popular cinema magazines of the period. It is observed that rather than fully identifying with the stars' off-screen images and trying to escape to the ‘modern' attractive world of the stars, many audience members attempted to bring stars to their own world and back into the traditionalistic and moralistic universe of melodrama. The article interprets these attempts as ‘creative adaptations' through which audiences meet, negotiate, and appropriate modernity, of which the cinema and stars are part, in their own fashion.     

"Loans for Shares" Revisited

The "loans for shares" scheme of 1995-1996—in which a handful of well-connected businessmen bought stakes in major Russian companies—is widely considered a scandalous affair that had disastrous consequences for the Russian economy. Fifteen years later, the details of the program are reexamined in light of evidence available today. The conventional wisdom about "loans for shares" is analyzed in terms of how much of the market the stakes involved represented; the pricing in terms of international practice; the scheme's place in Russia's increasing wealth inequality; who the biggest beneficiaries were: and the firms' role in Russia's rapid growth after 1999.     

Yunnan,China: minority peoples observed

An account of the time which the author spent among the Iban more than 30 years ago. He describes the customs, festivals and way of life of a people who were still headhunters in recent memory. More particularly he explains how people who lived in longhouses the way their ancestors had lived were slowly brought to change their traditional beliefs, thus enabling development to take place.