小班化教学对高中化学教学的影响

国外很多关于班级规模的研究大多数都已经印证缩小班级规模的策略在提高学生的成绩上有一定的成效。小班化教学是欧美发达国家普遍推行的一种教学组织形式。小班化教学同样适用于我国高中化学课堂教学。小班化教学的优势已经被大部分教育工作者认同,并且在我国一些地区已经有了一定的成效,它成为未来教育的必然趋势。     

Contraceptive practice and social class in Mexico: recent experience

Data from the 1982 National Demographic Survey are analyzed to study recent changes in contraceptive use and sterilization in Mexico. Variables studied in relation to contraceptive use include method used, place where information was obtained, social class, rural or urban area, age, education, marital status, and place of residence. In relation to sterilization, variables studied include age, social class, institution where sterilization was performed, number of children, and date of birth of last child. (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Issue politicization and social class: How the electoral supply activates class divides in political preferences

Against premature claims about the declining political relevance of social class in post-industrial democracies, recent research indicates that class continues to be a relevant determinant of political preferences. In post-industrial societies ‘old’ class divides on economic issues coexist with ‘new’ class alignments on cultural topics. While there is cumulated evidence of social classes’ distinct placement on these issues, this paper argues that the strength of class divides depends on the extent to which these issues are politicized by political parties. Studying preferences on economic and cultural issues (attitudes towards redistribution, immigration, gay rights and European integration), this study shows that class divides in preferences are context dependent. The multilevel analyses drawing on data from the European Social Survey and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey for 27 European democracies demonstrate that classes’ differences in preferences are accentuated on issues strongly contested and emphasized by parties, and mitigated on issues where party conflict is weaker. Adding to recent literature on parties and class conflict, this study identifies another stage at which parties can affect the strength of class voting. The varying strength of class divides across contexts also has implications for parties’ ability to garner support beyond a single class. This becomes increasingly unlikely in contexts of high issue politicization.     

Chav-spotting in Britain: the representation of social class as private choice

The word chav is a relatively new one in British English, used to describe a supposed social group defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as “a young person of a type characterised by brash and loutish behaviour and the wearing of designer-style clothes … usually with connotations of a low social status”. Discourse on chavs in contemporary Britain has been widely implicated in the reinforcement of social inequalities. This article argues that a central element of such discourse is the representation of “everyday” British public experience as a practice of chav-spotting, of reading materials as signs of the private characteristics of those with which they are associated. This means reading class as a privately motivated phenomenon, as the product of the “choice incompetence” of chavs. This chav-spotting practice is viewed from two perspectives: (1) as a recontextualisation of class as the result of private choice; and (2) as a practice of sign-making by which meanings are articulated for publicly observable materials in accordance with (1).     

代表人民利益与"新的社会阶层"

本文阐述了“新社会阶层”的政治属性 ,明确指出“新社会阶层”应成为巩固共产党执政地位的重要社会基础 ,对“新社会阶层”的利益要求及与其他社会阶层之间的利益矛盾作了分析 ,提出协调社会各阶层矛盾的措施与方法。作者认为 ,代表最广大人民根本利益必须对“新社会阶层”问题作出科学的判断与回答     

高中英语课堂有效提问的研究

高中英语课堂提问存在问题分配不合理、待答时间掌握不准确、提问对象选择不恰当和反馈不当的问题。策略建议如下:加强理论学习,彻底改变教学观念;深入钻研教材,精心设计问题;评价反馈艺术化;根据具体情景,准备控制待答时间。     

Dynamics of social class contempt in contemporary British television comedy

British television comedy has often ridiculed the complexities and characteristics of social class structures and identities. In recent years, poor white socially marginalised groups, now popularly referred to as “chavs”, have become a prevalent comedy target. One of the most popular and controversial television “comedy chavs” is Little Britain's fictional teenage single mother, Vicky Pollard. This article examines the representation of Vicky Pollard in light of contemporary widespread abuse of the white working class. Highlighting the polysemic and ambivalent nature of Vicky Pollard's representation, the article argues that whilst Little Britain's characterisation of Vicky Pollard largely contributes to contemporary widespread demonisation of the working class, there are moments within Little Britain when a more sympathetic tone towards the poor working class may be read, and where chav identities are used to ridicule the pretensions, superficiality, and falsity of middle-class identities. The article concludes that television comedy has been, and continues to be, a significant vehicle through which serious concerns, anxieties, and questions about social class and class identities are discursively constructed and contested.     

Changing classes,changing preferences: how social class mobility affects economic preferences

Abstract

While many studies have identified an association between social class and economic preferences, we know little about the implications of changes in class location for these preferences. This article assesses how social class and intra-generational class mobility affect economic preferences drawing on longitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey. In doing so, the article adopts a post-industrial perspective that considers horizontal and vertical class divisions. Even when time-invariant characteristics of individuals are kept constant (through fixed-effects estimation), it is found that both vertical and horizontal class location explain economic preferences. Thus, these estimations suggest that social class moulds preferences, even when accounting for factors that can lead to selection into classes. Moreover, people who change classes hold different economic preferences than their peers in the class of origin, but do not completely assimilate into their class of destination. This implies that growing intra-generational class mobility could undermine the class basis of political conflict.     

An exploratory study of social class and energy issues

This paper analyzes the relationship between a Marxian class measure based upon individuals' relations to the means of production and three types of survey items dealing with energy and conservation issues; knowledge items, attitude items, and items concerned with behavioral change. We also compare the relationship between three commonly used measures of socioeconomic status (SES) (family income, personal income, and education) and these same items regarding energy and conservation. In this manner we attempt to determine whether a particular Marxian class measure can provide insights in this issue area which are not provided by the traditional measures of SES. Contrary to previous research, our major finding is that the three traditionally accepted indicators of SES are related to many more energy and conservation items than is our measure of Marxian class.The authors are engaged in a series of collaborative articles. The order in which our names appear in these works is rotated.     

Women and classes: Gender and the class base of new social movements in the Netherlands

Abstract. According to conventional methods of stratification, the occupational position of the male determines the class position of all members of his family. Mann and other authors suggest that the assumptions underlying this method no longer hold. This note seeks to test both the conventional method and an approach which includes the positions occupied by women, by studying the class base of the support for so-called New Social Movements (NSMs). The data are taken from a Dutch survey held in four rounds in the year 1987. The results show that the inclusion of the class position of women themselves is an improvement, in comparison with the conventional stratification method. The position of women not only has an effect on their own levels of support for NSMs, but also influences that of their spouse.     

Gradient constraint in voting: The effect of intra-generational social class and income mobility on turnout

As the connection between an individual’s socioeconomic status and electoral participation originates from the socialization process in childhood and adolescence, inequalities in voting are often argued to be relatively stable throughout the life cycle. However, social mobility during adulthood may mitigate the effects of family background. Using individual-level register-based data, this study examines the extent to which changes in adults’ social class and income between 2000 and 2011 influenced voting propensity in the 2012 Finnish municipal elections. The results show that turnout among socially mobile voters settles between the stable members of their socioeconomic group of origin and destination. Our findings imply that intra-generational social and economic mobility can constrain the socioeconomic gradient in turnout.     

关于高中语文语法教学方法的几点看法

现阶段的高中,学生语法知识的欠缺已是不争的事实.而在语文的教学实际中,却又常常需要运用到语法知识.因而,高中又必须要花一定的时间来教学语法.本文结合教学实际.试谈谈语法教学的一些看法.     

From social management to social governance: social conflict mediation in China

China currently faces increasingly serious social conflicts. In the past, China's approach to resolving social conflicts was ‘social management’. Now, however, it is turning to the development of ‘social governance’. This change reflects the inability of government acting alone to recognise and to address comprehensively the type of social problems that require co-ordination of social forces. Our research identifies three dimensions of governance and provides a comparative framework allowing us to illuminate how social governance as conceived in China differs from that in Western countries. Under China's current conditions, the strengthening and development of social governance is a holistic process. Neither market-centrism nor state-centrism is pursued, and pure social-centrism is not the favoured direction of development; the path chosen is rather a state-led social pluralism. The implications we see for the Government are that it should first transform its own functions to achieve a substantially higher quality of public service. This would put it in a position to empower (civil) society to mobilise multiple and varied social forces to participate so that social conflict can be optimally addressed. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Dark side of social media and academic performance of public sector schools students: Role of parental school support

Students are regularly engaged in several things at the same time during class and school time. They are using smartphones, tablets, laptops, and using social media on these devices while learning and attending class. However, there are some situations likely influenced by this, current study tests the influence of technostress, cyberbullying, and media multitasking in the context of students in technology‐saturated classrooms and how this is affecting their academic performance. This study further explored the buffering effects of parental school support on the relationship between technostress, cyberbullying, and student's performance. By using the person‐environment fit model, this study surveyed 248 public sector school students in two waves and examined the impact of these variables on student's academic performance. Results show that technostress, cyberbullying, and media multitasking have a negative impact on student performance, and school parental support moderates the negative relationship between technostress and student performance. Implications and contributions have also been discussed.     

When school meets the Other: intercultural policies in the Basque inclusive school

ABSTRACT

Gatti, Irazuzta and Martinez address the intercultural public policies implemented in the education system of the Autonomous Region of the Basque Country (Spain). Focusing on the education system allows them to reconstruct the historicity of identity-alterity production in a region in which language has been central for the establishment of ethnic frontiers. More specifically, they examine the implementation of these policies in three pre-school and primary educational institutions in a multicultural neighbourhood of the city of Bilbao. They look at Euskara—the Basque language—as a key element of the us-them distinction. The various education models regarding language and the teaching in/of Euskara or Spanish pave the way for the specialization and spatialization of the schools analysed. ‘Integration’ policies are implemented in ethnically marked schools only, based on a rhetoric of interculturality that assumes that any ‘racial or ethnic discrimination’ can be overcome through knowledge of the Other. Moreover, the assessment of public policies through ‘interculturality figures and best practice’ developed to address the so-called ‘immigration issue’ promotes a protectionist intervention on behalf of the assumed social vulnerabilities of immigrant schoolchildren and their families, which are read as ‘problematic characteristics’. The article argues that, as a result of the approach based on the social conditions of immigrant children and their families in the Basque Country, the race issue evaporates.     

农村留守青少年成长问题及社会工作应对策略分析——以《学校社会工作》课程的实践为例

农村留守青少年属于新式的弱势群体。该群体的成长问题事关和谐社会的持续发展和社会的稳定。由于父母亲情的缺失所引起的种种问题已得到学术界和政府相关部门的关注,但就针对该群体成长危机方面的解决措施而言,始终缺少一个合理、持久和有效的力量来协助该群体解决成长必须应对的危机。尝试在留守青少年集中的中学引入社会工作者,通过开展相关的社会工作实务活动后发现,学校社会工作者的介入能很好地解决这个问题。学校社会工作者充当多重角色,能充分利用多理论的指导和多种方法的交互运用,能及时、有效地关注并解决青少年成长过程中的心理需求和行为规范。