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Four aspects of Donald Trump's hijack of the Republican party are examined. First, how he used unconventional techniques, usually associated with some ‘reality’ television programmes, to become the leading candidate in the pre‐primary debates. He could thereby develop ‘momentum’ before the primaries began despite his limited support among Republican activists. Second, how his insurgency differed from the party's takeover in 1964 by supporters of Barry Goldwater. Third, how the Republicans have replaced the Democrats since the early 1980s as the party with a less cohesive potential coalition among voters, with the result that internal party relations became more conflictual throughout the period. Finally, that internal conflict has been intensified by two factors in those decades: the prevalence of divided government, which has made it virtually impossible to impose a truly conservative agenda on federal government policy, and the impact of forty years of stagnating real incomes for many middle‐income Americans.  相似文献   

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Using data extracted from Twitter, this study analyzes the English expression whitewashed as it occurs with and without a hashtag (e.g.: #whitewashed vs. whitewashed) through corpus analysis. As whitewashed has evolved to take on racial connotations to mean being too assimilated to a dominant white culture, I investigate whether the presence of a hashtag has an effect on how often this racial meaning of English whitewashed is employed. Based on collocative data, the findings suggest that the use of #whitewashed carries a meaning predominately informed by internalized racism and works to bind ethnic minorities to racial stereotypes. The study explores #whitewashed as a metacomment on human behavior, as #whitewashed serves to characterize beliefs about what actions are considered socially marked when performing an ethnic identity. In contrast to #whitewashed is the colloquial expression fobby, which characterizes an individual as being “too ethnic”; both (#)whitewashed and (#)fobby are discussed in tandem in this paper, for they create a double bind that marks the boundaries of ethnic identity. In this paper, I suggest that Twitter users mediate the demands of internalized racism by using #whitewashed to mark their tweets.  相似文献   

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当代西方政治发展理论始于 2 0世纪 5 0年代末、 6 0年代中的现代化研究 ,现代化语境下的政治发展理论往往倾向于把政治发展道路界定为朝着西方政治民主的进程 ,而随着 70年代现代化理论的衰落和 80年代以来新制度经济学的兴起 ,西方政治发展理论很快摆脱现代化规范式的理论困境 ,实现了从“现代化”到“制度变迁”的语境转换。  相似文献   

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公共利益:现代公共管理的本质问题   总被引:29,自引:0,他引:29  
公共利益与共同利益不是两个等价的概念.共同利益既与共同体利益相关联,也是利益关系的产物.而公共利益的本质属性决定了"公共利益是共同利益,但共同利益却不一定是公共利益".作为一种价值取向,公共利益是一个抽象的概念;当以公共物品和公共服务为主要物质表现形式时,公共利益则是现实的、分层次的和多样化的.这为以公共利益为本质的现代公共管理提供了新的思路和立场.研究立场由管理者向公众的转变客观上也要求建立战略性的公共管理框架.  相似文献   

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The state, it is often and correctly said, is a social relation. The apparatuses of the state are not simply instruments for the use of one class or another, not just techniques of domination, but are themselves embodiments of bourgeois power relations. Thus the modern prison, for example, is bourgeois, not because of its uses or control, but in the very organisation of power that pervades it. Uncovering the bourgeois character of this power relation through an examination of Bentham's model prison, the Panopticon, is one task of this paper. Sartre's critique of objectification appears as a critique of the tyranny of society in general, and this is the way in which Sartre himself sees it. However, its real object of analysis is precisely the power relations of bourgeois society. Sartre's genius lies in the clarity of his perception of the contradictions inherent in these relations; his failure lay in his inability to see their historical character. As a result, his critical humanism reflects, but never gets beneath the surface of these contradictions. Separating the rational kernel from the mystical shell of Sartre's critique is the route taken here toward an understanding of bourgeois power.  相似文献   

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It is argued that contemporary discussions of literary representation - organized around the category of experience and its structuralist critique - are misleading. First, it is shown that although literary experience does not provide a foundation for representation, such experience is, nonetherless, not merely a chimera projected from an unacknowledged ‘grammar’. Second,it is shown that literary representations have conditions of possibility which are not reducible to language as it is conceived in structuralist theory.In conclusion, it is argued that if literary representation has no single foundation in experience or in language, then general theories of representation must give way to a more piecemeal ‘rhetoric’of literary capacities.  相似文献   

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Chinese systems of household registration have long been regarded as marginal areas of interest in Chinese studies. Using recent theoretical work on community, family, policing, and power as the conceptual basis, this study, however, questions such marginalization. We have attempted to plot the role of the household register in the classical and contemporary periods. In the classical period, we suggest, it functioned as a mechanism to police and make visible the order of the family. It did this by renegotiating family relations away from anti-State alliances and by constructing a hierarchy of mutual control which valorized the privileged status of the family. The contemporary system has however moved away from the moral concerns of earlier systems, and centers instead upon questions of population and organization. It forms the basic statistical material of both the welfare system and state planning. It is no longer regarded as a defence of the moral order, rather it constructs itself not unlike domains that once claimed to be Proletarian Sciences.  相似文献   

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By mid‐2001, the Solomon Islands government was on the edge of bankruptcy after two years of unrest on Guadalcanal. Solomon Islanders' hopes that the national government can improve their living standards have been dashed, only 23 years after British colonial rule ended on these South‐West Pacific islands. The reasons for the state's limited capacity to facilitate development extend much further than the financial crisis, as a comparison between power relations typically institutionalized in Western liberal democratic states and those institutionalized in the Solomons state shows. The Solomons state is a syncretism of traditional political practices and modern structures. Many of these traditional practices are impeding development. Recent neo‐liberal reforms championed by the previous government, the Asian Development Bank and other aid agencies did little to address these practices and were terminated in the unrest in 2000. If the state is to improve the living standards of ordinary Solomon Islanders, changes in structure, such as the state governments being established following the Townsville Peace Agreement, are not the sole answer. There also need to be changes in the political practices of both officials and politicians at national and local level. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Since behaviorism fell out of favor as one of the prominent learning theories, language education has done away with using repetition of linguistic forms as one of the important strategies used in second-language classrooms. As a new direction in educational philosophy and theory, edusemiotics can offer a new perspective about the use of repetition in learning a new language. When language forms are treated as signs and not as substances, as in edusemiotics, linguistic particles can never be truly repeated, but each instance of a repetition of a language particle and structure disambiguates the meaning of a form in a different context. This paper argues that the repetition of language forms at the lexical, syntactical, phonetic, and discursive levels aids language learners to intuit meaning and function in the new language. Further, it is discussed that repetition of language forms prompts language learners to look for similarity in patterns between linguistic structures rather than surface-level similarity of forms of language. Finally, the use of linguistic repetition is examined for its affective and poetic bearing, as an important aspect of the acquisition of language.  相似文献   

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Eve Kalyva 《社会征候学》2013,23(3):283-301
This article suggests a logico-semantic analysis of Keith Arnatt's Trouser-Word Piece and Victor Burgin's Room, based on Ludwig Wittgenstein's examination of the logical relationship between propositions and the world and M.A.K. Halliday's discussion of social semiotics. It reconsiders the use of language in conceptual art practices from a wider sociological and interdisciplinary perspective, and aims to show how their juxtaposition of different voices within a public context negotiates the space of art as a social space. Focusing on how artworks communicate in context, the following discussion presents the historical as well as the discursive environment in which Arnatt's and Burgin's works are situated and received; moreover, it examines how these works critically manipulate viewing and reading regimes, frameworks of evaluation and patterns of communication in order to create a situation of particular tension between perceptual and conceptual apprehension. In wider terms, this article demonstrates how critically engaged artworks manipulate the conditions of communication by utilizing loan rhetoric (a rhetoric external to the art context) and displace associate meaning in order to challenge the institutionalization of art's production and function. In doing so, they critically stage and contest the power structures that support corresponding hierarchies across producer, audience and mediator, and bring art's social modality into focus. Investigating the manipulation of language in conceptual art, this article proposes a method of analysis that becomes fundamental in studying contemporary multi-modal art production, and in understanding the dialectics of art'But the difficulty is to remove the prejudices communication and critical potential.  相似文献   

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新闻传播是一种以语言为载体的意义的表述.通过新闻媒体,向受众传播(报道)最新发生的具有新闻价值的信息时所用的语言,叫做新闻语言.随着经济、社会、文化和技术的发展进步,新闻语言为适应社会交际需求,需要进行不断地调整和完善.面这种能够进行语言体系的扩张和语言功能的调整的能力,源自于新闻语言所具有的开放性这一特性.  相似文献   

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