Pinpointing the Powerful: Covoting Network Centrality as a Measure of Political Influence

This article introduces centrality in covoting networks as a measure of influence. Based on a simple cueing dynamic, it conceptualizes those lawmakers as most central—and thus as having the greatest signaling influence—who impact the greatest number of colleagues' voting decisions. A formal proof and an agent‐based simulation show that cue‐providers are always more central than followers; hence, we can use real‐world voting data to identify the most influential legislators. To confirm the measure's construct validity, we predict covoting centrality in the European Parliament and find those factors that are expected to impact legislators' influence to predict their centrality.     

民主政治--现代法制的政治前提

民主政治以个人自由为中心价值取向,自由与民主具有内在统一性.以自由为中心价值取向的现代政治与现代民主法制具有着有机联系,它构成现代法制的基础,为现代法制的建立提出要求,现代法制又为这种民主政治提供根本保障.     

论国际法的政治基础

国际法与国际政治之间存在一种相互强化和相互渗透的关系。一方面,自国际法产生以来,国际法的发展时常受到国际政治的制约;另一方面,国际法一经确立就对国际政治关系产生重要影响。在未来的国际体系中,国际法将逐步摆脱强权政治的束缚,作用也会更加突出。     

The Hate Crime Canon and Beyond: A Critical Assessment

Although it remains an empirical question whether the U.S. is experiencing greater levels of hate-motivated-conduct than in the past, it is beyond dispute that the concept of ‘hate crime’ has been institutionalized in social, political, and legal discourse in the U.S. From the introduction and politicization of the term hate crime in the late 1970s to the continued enforcement of hate crime law at the beginning of the twenty-first century, social movements have constructed the problem of bias-motivated violence in particular ways, while politicians at both the federal and state level have made legislation that defines the parameters of hate crime. Accordingly, this article identifies and examines the parameters of a hate crime canon in the U.S., which can first and foremost be described as a body of law that 1) provides anew state policy action, by either creating anew criminal category, altering an existing law, or enhancing penalties for select extant crimes when they are committed for bias reasons; 2) contains an intent standard, which refers to the subjective intention of the perpetrator rather than relying solely on the basis of objective behavior; and 3) specifies a list of protected social statuses, such as race, religion, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, disabilities, etc. Arguing that these features constitute the core parameters of the hate crime canon and attendant discourse in the U.S., this article offers a critical assessment of the emergence, institutionalization, and arguable consequences of ‘hate crime’ as a recently developed social fact - in the Durkheimian sense of the word - that is consequential for the politics of victimization in the modern era and the social control of violence against minorities more particularly. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

The Negligence Standard: Political Not Metaphysical

This contribution distinguishes two kinds of responsibility: the basic (or ‘metaphysical’) kind that we all inescapably have as functioning human beings; and the assignable (or ‘political’) kind that connects each of us with some particular tasks, and not with others. Having explored some differences between the two, and in particular the role of law's authority in connection with each, the discussion turns to the negligence standard, especially but not only as it figures in tort law. Recently, several philosophers have attempted to find a role for the negligence standard in the metaphysics of basic responsibility. This contribution resists that development and stands up for the traditional lawyer's view that the negligence standard belongs to the pliable politics of assignable responsibility. Basic responsibility, it is argued, is fundamentally strict.     

Beyond the public and private divide: remapping transnational climate governance in the 21st century

This article provides a first step towards a better theoretical and empirical knowledge of the emerging arena of transnational climate governance. The need for such a re-conceptualization emerges from the increasing relevance of non-state and transnational approaches towards climate change mitigation at a time when the intergovernmental negotiation process has to overcome substantial stalemate and the international arena becomes increasingly fragmented. Based on a brief discussion of the increasing trend towards transnationalization and functional segmentation of the global climate governance arena, we argue that a remapping of climate governance is necessary and needs to take into account different spheres of authority beyond the public and international. Hence, we provide a brief analysis of how the public/private divide has been conceptualized in Political Science and International Relations. Subsequently, we analyse the emerging transnational climate governance arena. Analytically, we distinguish between different manifestations of transnational climate governance on a continuum ranging from delegated and shared public–private authority to fully non-state and private responses to the climate problem. We suggest that our remapping exercise presented in this article can be a useful starting point for future research on the role and relevance of transnational approaches to the global climate crisis.

社会转型期执政党政治认同：内涵维度、现状特征及其建设路径

在长期的、复杂的、严峻的国内外环境中,作为执政党的中国共产党获取长久的政治认同是抗拒执政风险并长期领导中国现代化建设事业的关键所在。政党执政权威性与执政公信度构成了执政党政治认同的两大维度。前者表现为政党意识形态的科学性、政党制度的稳定性、政党执政绩效的持续性,后者则包含执政党的忠诚度、参政党的信任度以及普通民众的认可度等三个层次。据此考察作为执政党的中国共产党的政治认同特征并提出相应的建设路径。     

关于创新公安思想政治工作方法的若干思考

公安思想政治工作是公安工作的生命线,是队伍建设的灵魂。创新思想政治工作方法,必须有明确的目标指向,要把握好人的需要与动机、行为的关系,思想政治教育目标与个人发展需求的关系,教育对象与教育环境的关系,教育者与受教育者的关系。同时要借鉴其它学科的方法,从实际出发,因人因时而异,这样我们的工作才能收到实效。     

李大钊早期政治思想与民国初年中国政治

李大钊早期政治思想的形成和发展是与民国初年中国政治的演变密切联系的。1912年成立的中华民国确立了共和体制，是中国代议制政治的开端，为中国政党政治的推行创造了条件。在此前提下，李大钊就民国的政治建设走上政治现代化的轨道、发展和完善代议制政治、实现真正的政党政治、推进政治民主化等一系列问题作了深刻的思考，从而形成了富有特色的早期民主政治思想。     

Constitutional Directives: Morally‐Committed Political Constitutionalism

About 37 state constitutions around the world feature non‐justiciable thick moral commitments (‘constitutional directives’). These directives typically oblige the state to redistribute income and wealth, guarantee social minimums, or forge a religious or secular identity for the state. They have largely been ignored in a constitutional scholarship defined by its obsession with the legitimacy of judicial review and hostility to constitutionalising thick moral commitments other than basic rights. This article presents constitutional directives as obligatory telic norms, addressed primarily to the political state, which constitutionalise thick moral objectives. Their full realisation—through increasingly sophisticated mechanisms designed to ensure their political enforcement—is deferred to a future date. They are weakly contrajudicative in that these duties are not directly enforced by courts. Functionally, they help shape the discourse over a state's constitutional identity, and regulate its political and judicial organs. Properly understood, they are a key tool to realise a morally‐committed conception of political constitutionalism.     

浅谈高校改革中的思想政治工作

随着改革开放的深入发展和社会主义市场经济体制的逐步建立,社会对人才素质提出了更高要求。高等教育要充分有效地发挥思想政治的服务和保证功能,才能适应形势发展需要。     

关于思想政治教育本质的探讨

认识思想政治教育本质这一思想政治教育理论与实践中的基本理论问题，可运用马克思主义哲学方法论，贯彻层层推进的认识思路，构建思想政治教育本质理论的逻辑体系，认为思想政治教育本质的意义，思想政治教育哲学意义上的本质、思想政治教育本质的内容，可作为思想政治教育本质理论的一种认识思路，正确认识和处理思想政治教育政治本质的阶段性与科学性，一元性与多样性，不变性与变动性的关系，对于探索思想政治教育本质理论在新形势下的运用具体特别重要的现实意义。     

试论人大制度作用在法律文本与政治现实上的不对称

政治文明的精髓是关键在于制度建设.作为我国根本政治制度和民主政治建设重要载体的人大制度,在社会主义政治文明建设中具有无可替代的重要作用,但其作用在法律文本与政治现实上存在明显的不对称,需要通过优化人大工作环境、完善根本政治制度、扩大公民政治参与等途径,使人大制度作用得以充分发挥,从而推进社会主义政治文明建设.     

Heir, Celebrity, Martyr, Monster: Legal and Political Legitimacy in Shakespeare and Beyond

The seventeenth century placed Western political thought on a path increasingly concerned with ascertaining the legitimacy of a determinate individual, parliamentary or popular sovereign. As early as Shakespeare, however, a parallel literary tradition serves not to systematise, but to problematise the discourses used to assert the legitimacy with which control over law and government is exercised. This article examines discourses of legal and political legitimacy spawned in early modernity. It is argued that basic notions of ‘right’, ‘duty’, ‘justice’ and ‘power’ (corresponding, in their more vivid manifestations, to categories of ‘heir’, ‘celebrity’, ‘martyr’ and ‘monster’) combine in discrete, but always encumbered ways, to generate a variety of legitimating discourses. Whilst transcendentalist versions of those discourses begin to wane, their secular analogues acquire steadily greater force. In addition to the Shakespearean histories, works of John Milton, Pierre Corneille, Jean Racine, Friedrich Schiller and Richard Wagner are examined, along with some more contemporary or ironic renderings.

对民法调整对象法定化的政治社会学检讨——以学术与政治的关系为中心

一、法律现代化进程中的中国民法当前的中国社会正处于由前现代社会向现代社会的转型期。研究转型期的法律现代化进程,必须结合转型期的社会背景寻找合适的研究方法。这不论对从微观层面深化当代中国法律史的研究,还是对从宏观层面深化对中国法学的研究,都具有重要的理论意义和     

Beyond the Janus Face of Zionist Legalism: The Theo‐Political Conditions of the Jewish Law Project*

Abstract. What are the assumptions that underline the Jewish Law Project? To what extent is this project relates to Zionism as a political program and national vision? Does the secular version of this project and the religious one have anything in common? I argue that aside from the ideological lines that guide the Jewish Law Project, within it rests a reductionist and utopianist stance vis‐à‐vis halakhah which are considered to be obvious. I shall attempt to claim that reductionism and utopianism as tacit assumptions, which are neither explicit nor declared by the carriers of the Jewish Law Project, are definitely not trivial. Then, by detrivializing these two assumptions I will suggest viewing the halakhic‐legal relations defined by the Jewish Law Project through these same parameters—the reductionism of the halakhah and its utopian approach.     

Communicating to the Courts and Beyond: Why Members of Congress Participate as Amici Curiae

Members of Congress engage in discretionary behaviors, such as making speeches and cosponsoring bills, which are generally motivated by either electoral needs or policy preferences. We examine a discretionary behavior that engages the judicial branch in the conversation: the participation of members of Congress as amici curiae before the Supreme Court. Amicus curiae briefs provide members of Congress with a direct avenue of communication with the judiciary, and this characteristic suggests that cosigning would be a method of creating good public policy. Using data from the 1980–97 terms of the Supreme Court, however, we find that members of Congress cosign onto amicus curiae briefs as a means of “taking stances,” akin to cosponsoring a bill. The action allows the member to speak indirectly to an audience beyond these governmental institutions. Evidence shows that ideological extremism and committee jurisdiction promote participation as amicus curiae.     

Votes and Outcomes: Rethinking the Politics-Like-Markets Metaphor

Legislative and political bodies seldom work like markets. This paper revisits the politics-like-market analogies considering the role of logrolling in political representation. These considerations will hopefully facilitate the assessment of the normative implications of the commodification of political consensus. While certainly corroding some of the aspirational and expressive qualities of the political system, logrolling would ensure a greater opportunity for cardinal preferences to be captured in political decision-making.     

意识实在与行为主义革命的破产

意识作为一个存在领域具有不可还原的实在性,正是这一实在领域构成了心理学的合乎逻辑的基础。对意识实在的论证,乃是心理学寻示和确立自身理论同一性的过程。行为主义彻底否定“意识”范畴的科学合法性,从而使心理学丧失了它自我自身的理论同一性。行为主义作为心理学纲领,依赖于它对作为行为之内在本质的意识实在,作出符合心理学自身理论性质的科学论证,这不是后行为主义心理学的发展所体现出的向“意识”范畴的“回归”趋势的理论根源。