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Controversy exists over whether people use retrospective or prospective economic perceptions when evaluating their political leadership. In this article, I argue that the structure of the political-economic system affects which type of economic perception people employ. Specifically, in established democracies with developed economies, people will employ prospective assessments. In contrast, in nations with less well-established democratic systems and less developed economies, people will employ retrospective reasoning. They do so because under such conditions uncertainty about the future is too high for them to make reliable prospective assessments. I test this hypothesis on aggregate survey data taken from 41 nations in 2002. Support for the hypothesis is found. The conclusion puts the findings into perspective and discusses directions for future research. 相似文献
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How do voter preferences come into focus over the electoral cycle in different countries? Do they evolve in patterned ways? Does the evolution vary across countries? This article addresses these issues. We consider differences in political institutions and how they might impact voter preferences over the course of the election cycle. We then outline an empirical analysis relating support for parties or candidates in pre‐election polls to their final vote. The analysis relies on over 26,000 vote intention polls in 45 countries since 1942, covering 312 discrete electoral cycles. Our results indicate that early polls contain substantial information about the final result but that they become increasingly informative over the election cycle. Although the degree to which this is true varies across countries in important and understandable ways given differences in political institutions, the pattern is strikingly general. 相似文献
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政府执行力是政府组织的核心要素之一,是政府组织生存和发展的决定性因素。政府执行力的强弱,关系到政府职能的实现、政府自身存在合法性、执政效率的高低。当前我国政府缺乏诚信,执行不力对我国社会秩序的正常运转产生了巨大的负面影响。由此拟从政府诚信角度,通过对我国政府执行力现状的阐述,分析了我国政府执行力低的原因,并提出提升我国政府执行力的对策。 相似文献
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The prospects for European Union citizenship are sometimes discountedby reference to homogeneity in the United States compared todiversity in the European Union. This article suggests thatthere may be more similarities between the two systems thanis sometimes supposed by many observers. Even though there areimportant differences, both systems have had to address similarquestions about how to combine the benefits of integration andthe protection of rights. In discussing the common and divergentfeatures, the author argues that comparison also reveals thepossibility that it is diversity, not homogeneity, that is necessaryto the protection of citizenship's rights. 相似文献
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As one of the fastest growing economies in the world, many wonder what kind of international behavior an increasingly powerful China will demonstrate in the future. Will it be a responsible state on the world stage? The article aims to understand Chinese foreign policy making from a comparative perspective. By using the neoclassical realist approach, key features of Chinese foreign policy as well as possible future alternatives for its implementation are outlined. The essay concludes that significant changes in Chinese foreign policy in recent years are remarkably similar to those of other major powers. 相似文献
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AMITAI ETZIONI 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(3):353-363
The history, nature and scope of citizen naturalisation tests are briefly examined in this article, as well as their political and social applications. A comparison of tests from the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and Germany highlights the ways in which these tests are used as immigration controls rather than as a way to establish preparation for citizenship. The difference in the content of the tests also reveal alternative conceptions of citizenship including authoritarian, liberal and neo-communitarian. 相似文献
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Peter R. Moody Jr. 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2007,12(1):29-48
For a time in both Japan (roughly 1890–1915) and much more briefly in China (about 1987–1992), major political decisions were
made by cohesive groups of retired elders of the founding generation. Necessary if not sufficient conditions for rule by elders
include a closed system, with the elite not held responsible to a wider public; and a constitutional or practical vagueness
about the locus of final political authority. The more general pattern in such systems is personal dictatorship, with rule
by elders as an alternative when cultural or political conditions stand in the way of one-man rule. This essay explores the
pattern, conditions, and characteristics of rule by elders in China and Japan as genro rule serves as an alternative to one-man
rule in generational transitions in political regimes with a relatively cohesive ruling group and a weak institutional structure.
Peter R. Moody, Jr. is professor of political science at the University of Notre Dame and he specializes in the study of Chinese
politics. His more recent books include Tradition and Modernization in China and Japan, Political Change in Taiwan, and Political Opposition in Post-Confucian Society. He is editor of China Documents Annual and book review editor for the Review of Politics. He has written on Chinese politics, Asian international affairs, Chinese political thought, international relations theory,
and theory of political parties. 相似文献
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Risto Alapuro 《Scandinavian political studies》1979,2(1):19-29
To assess the nature of Finnish nationalism, Finland should be compared with other minor nationalities within the great multinational empires of the nineteenth century. In this perspective it seems of utmost importance that Finnish nationalism developed in the interface between the Swedish and Russian centers, one economically and culturally dominant, the other politically dominant, but economically backward. Starting from this background, it is suggested that exceptionally strong incentives for nationalist mobilization existed not only in the Finnish middle class, but also in the upper class, and that therefore national consolidation and nationalism advanced calmly and steadily. 相似文献
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Federalism in the European Union differs significantly fromthe American model. First, instead of relying on fixed constitutionalrights, the EU remains committed to a treaty-based process offlexible accommodation. Second, the federal system of constitutionalpower division has been replaced by the subsidiarity principle.The scope and dimension of Community action are tied to negotiatedcriteria of necessity and efficiency. Third, European federalismhas not adopted the American senate model. Member-state participationin the decision-making process is based on the German modelof weighted council representation. Regions and civic organizationshave gained an additional consultative voice. As a novel typeof federal polity, the EU may gain model character for a globalizingworld of nation-states whose interests appear loosely interconnectedby federal arrangements rather than firmly nested in a federalstate. 相似文献
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Interstate tax disharmony arising from the states' attempt to"free-ride" on other states can cause distortions and inequityin a federal system. In this article, an attempt is made toanalyze interstate disharmony in the Indian tax system, providea quantitative measure of disharmony, examine its trend overtime, and compare the degree of disharmony in India with threeother important federations. The major conclusions are that(1) India has a higher degree of interstate tax disharmony thanAustralia, Canada, and the United States; (2) tax disharmonyin India has increased over lime unlike in the other three federations;and (3) tax disharmony in respect of individual state taxesis higher than the taxes taken in aggregate. 相似文献
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How has reform changed Chinese and American civil service systems in light of China's landmark reform in 1993 by contrast to the aftermath of the U.S. Civil Service Act of 1883? While there are significant differences, remarkable administrative and political similarities also emerge. Particularly salient is the role of educational systems in the civil service development of both countries. Surprisingly, this comparative analysis finds a common struggle to balance professional expertise with political accountability and control. King Kwun Tsao of the Chinese University of Hong Kong and John Abbott Worthley of Seton Hall University argue that further comparative research is essential to hone an improved understanding of China specifically as well as civil service systems generally. 相似文献
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Scotland is not the only sub‐state unit in Europe where relevant political actors make claims for independence. To generate insights on these independence demands, we compare the drivers, arguments and popular support for secession in Scotland, the Basque Country, Catalonia and Flanders. We argue that national identity, party politics and the economy are behind the independence requests, and the exact articulation of these elements varies from case to case. Currently, the most salient of these demands are the ones from Catalonia; Basque demands for self‐determination are less prominent than in the past, whereas the demand for a vote on independence is much less articulated in Flanders. Although the Scottish independence referendum has set a precedent for solving independence disputes, we argue that the possibilities of exporting the Scottish referendum experience to other realities are limited. 相似文献
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