celling black bodies: black women in the global prison industrial complex

The past two decades have witnessed an explosion in the population of women prisoners in Europe, North America and Australasia, accompanied by a boom in prison construction. This article argues that this new pattern of women's incarceration has been forged by three overlapping phenomena. The first is the fundamental shift in the role of the state that has occurred as a result of the neo-liberal globalization. The second and related phenomenon is the emergence and subsequent global expansion of what has been labeled a ‘prison industrial complex’ made up of a intricate web of relations between state penal institutions, politicians and profit-driven prison corporations. The third is the emergence of a US-led global war on drugs which is symbiotically related and mutually constituted by the transnational trade in criminalized drugs. These new regimes of accumulation and discipline, I argue, build on older systems of racist and patriarchal exploitation to ensure the super-exploitation of black women within the global prison industrial complex. The article calls for a new anti-racist feminist analysis that explores how the complex matrix of race, class, gender and nationality meshes with contemporary globalized geo-political and economic realities. The prison industrial complex plays a critical role in sustaining the viability of the new global economy and black women are increasingly becoming the raw material that fuels its expansion and profitability. The article seeks to reveal the profitable synergies between drug enforcement, the prison industry, international financial institutions, media and politicians that are sending women to prison in ever increasing numbers.     

Celling black bodies: black women in the global prison industrial complex

The 1980s and 1990s have witnessed an explosion in the population of women prisoners in Europe, North America and Australasia, accompanied by a boom in prison construction. This article argues that this new pattern of women's incarceration has been forged by three overlapping phenomena. The first is the fundamental shift in the role of the state that has occurred as a result of neo-liberal globalization. The second and related phenomenon is the emergence and subsequent global expansion of what has been labelled a ‘prison industrial complex’ made up of an intricate web of relations between state penal institutions, politicians and profit-driven prison corporations. The third is the emergence of a US-led global war on drugs which is symbiotically related and mutually constituted by the transnational trade in criminalized drugs. These new regimes of accumulation and discipline, I argue, build on older systems of racist and patriarchal exploitation to ensure the super-exploitation of black women within the global prison industrial complex. The article calls for a new anti-racist feminist analysis that explores how the complex matrix of race, class, gender and nationality meshes with contemporary globalized geo-political and economic realities. The prison industrial complex plays a critical role in sustaining the viability of the new global economy and black women are increasingly becoming the raw material that fuels its expansion and profitability. The article seeks to reveal the profitable synergies between drug enforcement, the prison industry, international financial institutions, media and politicians that are sending women to prison in ever increasing numbers.     

The sultana and her sisters: black women in the British Isles before 1530

This interdisciplinary study examines cultural representation of black women in the British Isles before 1530. It addresses a lacuna in the historiography of black women which has, hitherto, paid little attention to the fact of their existence in the British Isles before British involvement in the slave trade. Representations of black women in stained glass and in poetry of the Middle Ages are examined and their meaning and function interrogated through an analysis of the medieval discourses which framed them and through which they were refracted: biblical exegesis, natural histories and travel literature, bestiaries, constructions of female beauty and medical treatises. These images suggest that the bodies and behaviours of black women were the site for a definition of gender and racial otherness long before the development of the slave trade of Elizabethan and Jacobean England     

The meaning and effect of the UN decade for women on black women in America

Thirty Black women activists within different age categories, from varied educational and occupational backgrounds, and representing Black women's organizations from different regions of the U.S. were interviewed to determine their views on the meaning and effect of the UN Decade for Women on the lives of Black American women. Their responses to questions about the Decade indicate that the masses of Black women are poorly informed or totally uninformed about the UN Decade for Women. And, among that segment of the Black female population which is well informed about the Decade, positive views on the benefits of the Decade for Black women correlate strongly with employment in a national women's organization or governmental agency dealing with women's issues, and personal involvement in UN Conferences. Many Black women feel that the opportunity to network with third-world women is the major benefit that Black American women gained from the Decade. They also feel that American racism and class bias effectively prevent equitable implementation of a national plan of action to improve the status of women in the United States.     

Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz: ‘Let your women keep silence in the churches…’

Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz chose to take the veil not only because she had no wish to marry but because in her time the convent was the only environment which sanctioned a woman's desire for a life of study and meditation. However, her brilliant mind ventured far beyond the parameters permitted by her church, for she devoted a large part of her literary activities to secular topics, dared to criticize the male Catholic establishment and questioned the Church's inconsistent—and to her, oppressive—treatment of women. In her autobiographical letter ‘The Reply to Sister Philotea’ (1691) she took her most radical feminist stance and artfully manipulated both Scripture and patristic texts to support her personal ends: the right of women to an education and to an intellectual life.     

Colonial counterparts: the first academic women in Anglo-Canada,New Aealand and Australia

During the early years of the twentieth century, women first gained permanent academic positions in most universities across the Western world. This article considers the first academic women in Anglo-Canada, New Zealand and Australia as colonial counterparts. It argues that these women's experiences were shaped by a colonial setting that was infused with powerful gender-, race- and class-specific codes concerning knowledge and the institution of the university. The first academic women were simultaneously situated as ‘insiders’, as supporters of the institutions in which they worked, and as ‘outsiders’ because of their sex and the patriarchal attitudes of the time. In recovering some of their lives and experiences, it is shown how such a positioning shaped the careers of academic women, as well as how these women attempted to subvert and change their place within the university. As a group, the first academic women in Anglo-Canada, New Zealand and Australia were much more concerned with advancing the place of women in higher education than they were with critiquing the colonial knowledges that were a part of their various institutions.     

Sentinels for New South Industry: Booker T. Washington,Industrial Accommodation and Black Workers in the Jim Crow South

In 1912, “race war” broke out in Cuba. The island's hard-won independence, formally attained in 1902, had failed to deliver the “nation for all” that nationalist visionary Jose Marti and his largely black and mulatto following had aspired to. Instead white Cuban elites attempted to emulate the standards of “civilization” laid down by their North American counterparts, laying the foundations for a society in which blacks and mulattoes remained second-class citizens. Afro-Cuban war veterans, outraged at the government's failure to reward their sacrifices over many years, organized the Partido Independiente de Color, demanded their “rightful share” to the fruits of independence, and in 1912 led an armed revolt that was brutally suppressed by the US-backed government, at a cost of more than 3000 lives.     

Children's participation in household labor: Child socialization versus the need for household labor

Despite the scarcity of studies of children's participation in housework, it has been established that children contribute a significant amount of total household labor. However, research on why some children contribute more than others has yielded ambiguous results. Using data from the National Survey of Families and Households(J. A. Sweet, L. Bumpus, and V. Call [1988], working paper NSFH-1, Center for Demography and Ecology, University of Wisconsin, Madison), this study tests two competing theories of children's labor participation. The first, dealing with child socialization,proposes that parents assign household chores to children as a socializing experience (e.g., to promote responsibility). The second posits that children are used as a labor source whenever structural constraints prevent adults from performing the necessary chores, and alter the demand for household labor.The results indicate that children average 7 hours of housework per week, representing 12% of all household labor. Both theories receive support, yet the pragmatic aspects of households (e.g., adult labor force participation) receive greater confirmation.Research interests include the sex-based division of household labor, power relations in the home, female depression, and parent-child relationships.