略论20世纪上半叶中国古典小说在越南的翻译热

前言中越两国的文学有着悠久而密切的关系,反映在小说上亦然。中国古典小说很早就传入越南,并对越南的文学产生过深远的影响。比如,明代瞿佑的《剪灯新话》、清代青心才人的《金云翘传》就先后被越南文士模仿或移植,使得越南     

重译《金云翘传》的动因及对一些问题的思考

《金云翘传》是18世纪末至19世纪初越南著名诗人阮攸的一部传世杰作。目前由国人翻译并在中国出版的《翘传》只有一个译本,并且由于种种原因,译本并不很理想。笔者感到有责任和义务通过自己的努力,为中国比较文学研究工作者提供一个较为符合原著风格的《翘传》中文译本。     

《琵琶行》在越南

中国有不少古人在越南享有盛名 ,白居易便是其中之一 ,越南的普通民众有相当多的人能背诵他的诗篇 ,而那首有名的《琵琶行》更是备受重视 ,它影响了越南文坛的许多著名诗人 ,他们竟相模仿《琵琶行》写诗 ,至于在诗中引用其中的词汇或几句诗更是极为常见的事。越南古代即有不少诗人翻译《琵琶行》 ,其中以诗人潘辉咏的译著最为有名 ,几百年来被视为越南文学翻译杰作 ,他也因此跻身越南诗坛名家之列。他用越南特有的双七六八体诗歌形式翻译 ,双七六八体诗歌的形式为前两句为七字 ,接着一句为六字 ,再接一句为八字 ,如此循环往复。其译本与白居…     

越南《昭君贡胡书》故事源流考

今人对昭君故事的研究已很全面,但是仍未将域外汉籍中的相关文献纳入研究范围。以昭君故事为蓝本的越南诗传《昭君贡胡书》,是在越南遭受法国入侵的历史背景下,结合"二征"历史故事与中国昭君出塞的故事而衍生出来的。在前人对中国昭君故事深入研究的基础上,以越南诗传①《昭君贡胡书》为考察对象,追溯其故事源流,对于促进中越文化交流,是非常有意义的。     

日本“鬼门”信仰之实态及渊源

在日本 ,关于东北方向为“鬼门”的民间信仰家喻户晓 ,流传甚久。鬼门一词最早见于《山海经》的“度朔山”传说之中。鬼门在中国没能成为信仰对象 ,而被日本延承下来。     

“一个外国人……”——关于诺尔曼·白求恩的断想

“一个外国人，不远万里来到中国……”这是毛泽东在60多年前所写《纪念白求恩》一文中的句子，这篇文章在上世纪七十年代的中国家喻户晓，男女老幼几乎没有不会背诵的。     

关于《越南亡国史》的作者问题

我曾应邀为《中国大百科全书·外国历史》撰写了十多条有关越南近现代史的条目。当我在广州还没有看到这卷“外国历史”出版发行的时候,周佳荣先生在《明报月刊》上发表《梁启超与<越南亡国史>的关系——<中国大百科全书>勘误一则》的文章。他指出“外国历史”卷上说,潘佩珠“撰写了《越南亡国史》(口述,梁启超笔录)……等反法文章”是错的。《越南亡国史》的作者是潘佩珠而非梁启超,也不是潘、梁二人“共著”。最     

《日内瓦协议》的历史功绩不容抹煞

近些年来,越南当局及史学界接二连三地散布奇谈怪论,说什么1954年中国“出卖越南人民的民族利益,……迫使越南签订了日内瓦协定”(越《历史研究》1980年第2期文章:《中国领导人在1954年关于印度支那问题的日内瓦会议上的背叛》),“在日内瓦会议上,……就一项有利于中国和法国,不利于越南人民、老挝人民和柬埔寨人民的解决办法达成协议”,“日内瓦解决办法阻拦了越南、老挝和柬埔埔三国人民在抗法战争中取得完全的     

20世纪50～60年代越南诗人素友作品在中国的传播和影响

素友是越南20世纪著名诗人,越共中央的主要领导之一。他的诗歌被越南官方视为"社会主义现实主义"文学的典范,是20世纪越南的"史诗"。20世纪50~60年代,在中越友好关系的影响下,一大批以素友诗歌为典型的越南文学作品在中国得到传播。这些越南文学作品传播到中国之后,在政治上加强了当时的政治意识形态;在文化上增进了中国读者对外国文化的了解;在学术上则带动了中国的越南文学研究。     

现代森林神话与救济的可能性论大江健三郎《万延元年的足球》

大江健三郎的《万延元年的足球》融知识、热情、梦想和野心等各种人生态度于一炉，描绘了混乱世界里的人与人之间的关系。《万延元年的足球》是一个可以自给自足的小世界相对独立的艺术世界，“一方面扎根于森林中的神话世界，另一方面又不脱离东京的现实生活”，被称为“幻想的哲学小说”     

The Calculus of Nation in the Cuban Revolution

The history of Cuba was imbued with a sense of purpose at its inception. To have discerned the need at all for a history of Cuba in the nineteenth century was itself product and portent of a momentous shift in consciousness, an occasion when narratives of the past revealed themselves as a potential source of national community. The history of Cuba began at the moment that the past became relevant to the future. Historical narrative developed as a matter of necessity, a product of a time and place, a means by which Cubans addressed the needs of their times. Purpose and point of view were inscribed into the very premise of the historical narrative, and indeed fixed the narrative genre around which the history of Cuba was structured. The historical narrative in this instance contained a premonition of nation which shared something with the new collective consciousness to which it contributed. Historical consciousness was itself a product of national formation, to which it responded and for which it was summoned: the proposition of a shared awareness of a common past with which to bring a people together and justify a nation apart.     

Absolute and limited war: The possibility of foreign‐imposed regime change

This paper examines the relationship between foreign imposed regime change and war participation. The oppertunity and willingness of an opponent to impose a new regime on a war participant affects the likelihood that such a change will occur. Results from a logistic regression model suggest that (1) winning or losing the war, (2) the amount of war costs the participant endures, (3) the power of the participant relative to its opponent, (4) the amount of war costs the opponent endures, (5) the occurrence of a domestic regime change during the war, and (6) the difference between the authority structures of the war participant and its opponent all have a significant and sizable impact on the probability that a war participant endures a foreign imposed regime change. The first three variables measure the opponent's opportunity to force a regime change, while the last three measure its willingness. I suggest that these results increase our ability to evaluate the likely consequences of a war, and may have important implications for our understanding of the decision to enter and terminate a war.     

On Value Security and the Overall National Security System

The universality of human nature determines the universality of values and its particularity determines the diversity and plurality of values that is the fundamental determinant of security problems among different value systems. In a narrow sense, value security refers to a situation in which value concepts of a state, region, or a nation, social class are not under threat from the external adversaries, which is called conceptual value security. In a broad sense, value security refers to the consistency between the system of realistic value security and that of conceptual value security. National value security encompasses both value security in a nation-state and security of national values, in which the former is featured by the recognition and acceptance of a prevailing value in a nation-state, and the latter is characterized by the sovereignty of national values. Due to the fact that the issue of value system is a meta-theoretical one and the security of conceptual value system is part of cultural security, value security holds a core position in cultural security and is an important component of overall national security system. Additionally, value security embodies the security of value pursuits and value criteria in different spheres of the overall national security system and therefore, it is also an indispensable and flexible support to the overall national security.     

身份叙事与中国参与北极事务身份建构

国家身份可以划分为总体身份和具体身份,具体身份是总体身份在不同场域的具体投射。作为话语实践的一种形式,叙事则是身份建构的主要机制,它将一系列关于总体身份和具体身份的隐喻以特定逻辑联系在一起。当代中国所追求的总体身份是负责任大国,而这一身份的主要表现则是倡导构建人类命运共同体。这一身份通过领域或功能以及地域两个维度被投射到北极场域,形成了"北极事务的重要利益攸关方"这一具体身份。本文在论述叙事和国家身份形成关系的基础上,重点分析了"北极事务的重要利益攸关方"这一身份隐喻通过叙事被投射到具体场域中的过程。通过叙事,"北极事务的重要利益攸关方"同中国的国际责任、各国的共同利益等话语联系在一起,成为负责任大国身份在北极场域的延伸,成为构建人类命运共同体这一宏观目标的组成部分。     

“印太战略”:以美印日澳的战略逻辑、利益与策略选择为分析视角

"印太战略"是美国均势+有限遏制+规制+话语诋毁的混合型战略。它意在前沿、中间地带与后方的三层构建不对称的对华遏制性力量,突破中美双边、单区域战略竞争的狭窄战略空间;在多地域与多维度孤立中国,拉拢更多国家在产业价值链、数字经济等层面与中国切割;制订基础建设投资透明化的新标准,嵌入有利于美国利益的规制;通过国际法、舆论等软性手段抹黑中国的"一带一路"与海权发展。虽然共同逻辑都是制衡中国崛起,但日澳印在策略上强调非对抗性。其中避免成为中国优先反制是日本重要的策略目标;印度在拉达克边界冲突后尚没有形成一个完全倒向美国的战略,因为这必定使其背上沉重的战略包袱,成为美国的附庸;澳大利亚作为地缘政治影响有限的中等国家,在美国反华行动中冲在最前列已使其利益严重受损。而"印太战略"与东盟所推动的包容性、合作安全理念也有着本质的区别,东盟要在"印太地区"发挥中心领导作用,定位"印太"为对话与合作区域。所以由于东盟的抵制、印日澳的消极政策,这个战略形成的攻势将很难保持可持续性,其长期前景并不看好。     

New Changes in the International Situation and China's Strategic Choices

The international situation is evolving more impressively than it has at any time since the end of the Cold War.Globalization has been in decline.Nations are scrambling to gain greater influence.The international strategic pattern is being adjusted.Many countries have problems with public management,and are faced with a new array of social trends and increasingly popular movements.The world is entering a new era full of chaos and anxiety.Mankind once again faces significant trade-offs and choices in peace and conflict,development and recession,openness and isolation,liberalism and conservatism.China strives to advocate win-win cooperation and lead the trend of reform and opening to maintain a favorable external environment despite world chaos,and enhance status and institutional rights in the international system.China's 30 years of development was successful in the process of integrating into the existing international system;China is a participant as well as a builder of the international system,rather than a challenger or a subversive.In the future,with a constructive attitude,China will promote the international system in a more reasonable direction together with international partners,in order to better safeguard world peace and security,and promote sustainable development throughout the world.     

Military Dialogue in the Euro‐Mediterranean Charter: An Unjustified Absence

The summer 2006 war in Lebanon can be perceived through at least five different frames of reference. The US administration saw the war in Lebanon as a local manifestation of the global war on terror. According to this framework, Hezbollah is an Al Qaeda-type enemy, not a national group with a local agenda and constituency; bargaining with Hezbollah is not possible. This point of view makes fighting global terror more difficult and jeopardises the search for stability and peace in the region. Many Israeli and European politicians saw the war as a confrontation between radical Islam and a modern Israeli state, a clash of cultures between Islamic fundamentalists and Western civilisation. This frame of reference, however, fails to recognise the fault line within the Muslim world itself, between those who want to integrate their societies into a globalised world and those who do not. The conflict in Lebanon can also be interpreted as a consequence of the weakening of a state, a framework which underlines the need to strengthen Arab institutions, or as an asymmetrical war between an armed nation state and a guerrilla movement. Finally, the war in Lebanon can be seen as a conflict over power, land, resources and sovereignty–the classic realist perspective. If the international community fails to work toward a comprehensive peace settlement in the Middle East, another framework will gain strength in the Arab world: one that interprets events according to a theory of non-negotiable conflicts between Western imperialism and radical Islamic resistance.     

Asian literature as a tool for cultural identity creation in Europe. Goethe’s Hafiz

By the eighteenth century the colonial powers in Europe already had well-defined images and self-images, crystalised from their native cultures, their significance within Europe, and their mercantile and political relations with other continents. Yet Germany, which would have no prospect of a unified polity till late in the following century, remained severely challenged in all these respects. From the mid eighteenth century, however, Germany’s greatest minds sought to mould for it a cultural identity, and as a vital step in this, the poet, statesman and scientist Goethe, a man indebted to a form of patronage which peculiarly qualified him to undertake such experiments, conducted a series of literary encounters with the great traditions of Asia. Their purpose was to situate Germany within the wider world culture, for one can only be a cultural force within a world to which one has some cultural relation. Goethe’s forays into the worlds of Persian, Indian and Chinese literature were attempts at creative imitation, cultural absorption and public confrontation, but their culture-building and appropriative character was also a form of vicarious imperialism, a new-world enterprise conducted by means of old-world patronage. Goethe’s carefully nuanced representations in the West-Eastern Divan indicate the advocacy of a secular cosmopolitanism, the popular impact of which has been hitherto underestimated.     

Gendering the millennium: globalising women

As the century has just changed for the Western calendar it should be borne in mind that for a vast part of the world the centuries are rolling at a different time and under different conditions. So, although we live and trade in a "global village", we are yet divided by time, space, and ideologies. The hope is that the 21st century will enable us to have a closer look at each other and that the global networks, the web sites, and the electronic mailing systems, will work as a bridge rather than as a new means of widening the gaps. This article is a plea for a better understanding of the different priorities and views that Islamist women have of themselves, of their place in history, and what it is that they need to fight for. It is also a call for the universality of sisterhood and a wish that the solidarity that was forged in the latter part of the 20th century will not be fragmented into smithereens in the new millennium.