街道办事处机构改革探讨

街道办事处是城市管理的主要执行落实者，长期以来，它为社会稳定和城市管理等做出了突出贡献。但随着现代化建设的深入，街道办事处体制本身显露出许多弊端，特别是由于与居委会之间职责不够清晰，使街道办事处长期陷入被动的应付事务之中，因工作质量不高而影响了在辖区中的威信，影响了在城市管理中的效果。街道办事处是区政府的派出机构，是代表区级政府在辖区内实行社会管理的基层组织，其管理手段是行政手段。社区居委会是居民自治组织，代表居民在社区内进行社区管理，其管理手段是自我管理。由于受历史等原因的影响，街道办事处与居…     

“上不能上,下不能下”——一个街角青年向主流社会回归的“内卷化”之路

对当前街角青年研究的重点应放在他们向主流社会回归过程的分析上。街角青年的回归心理呈交叉反复态势。本文以"资本"和"场域"为分析视角,并将宏观社会背景纳入视野,通过对一个街角青年向主流社会回归的一种"上不能上,下不能下"的路径进行历时性研究,解析了影响街角青年回归主流社会的资本障碍、社会环境障碍、社会结构障碍、经济结构障碍、家庭障碍、个体障碍等等,从而考察了街角青年回归过程的真实实践逻辑,展现了街角青年回归需求的非平衡性与回归场域的平面性,回归路径的非累积性等内卷化特征。     

On Public Protest,Violence, and Street Gangs

This article elaborates upon the authors’ 2017 op-ed, “To deal with Antifa, designate it a street gang,” published in The Wall Street Journal. Following recent calls to declare Antifa, a loosely-organized collective of anti-fascists, a domestic terrorist organization, we argue for the categorization of the group as a street gang instead. We advocate for better understanding of groups and group processes and review existing gang definitions, specifically the California penal code and the consensus Eurogang definition. We find that groups within antifa meet gang criteria because they have a collective identity and engage in illegal violent activity. Classification of antifa as a street gang is preferable to domestic terrorism, we argue, because it permits the deployment of evidence-based violence prevention and intervention strategies beyond the current emphasis on crowd control. This article thus contributes to a burgeoning literature that examines the overlap between gangs and other social groups, with implications for broader criminological research and practice.     

The Two-Way Street: Government Shaping of Community-Based Advocacy

The interaction between government and community-based advocacy organisations is becoming complex and highly structured. While some analysts seek to explain such interplay within neo-Marxist or public choice frameworks, we argue the relationship is best understood as a two-way street, full of tensions but neither a conspiracy against the public interest nor part of a larger design to deradicalise social movements. Drawing on a wide range of Australian examples, but focusing in particular on peak women's and ethnic communities' organisations, we explore how social movements have been able to exert independent influence on the policy agenda.     

Politics and Mass Media: A Response to John Street

This short article is a response to an overview of research on media-political relations written by John Street and published in the Political Studies Review in 2005. The usefulness of the exercise is recognised but issue is taken both with the organising concepts of Street's account and the way he excludes a significant body of research from his assessment, raising questions about his characterisation of the field under scrutiny. A case is made for assessing the tensions and the varieties of work in this broad area by the use of other categories, including the play-off between media-centric and politics-centric accounts, the continuing strand of work informed by critical theory and the sheer variety of the topics upon which researchers have chosen to focus as a way into a broader agenda. The importance of work engaging with issues at an international level is emphasised together with the value of new comparative studies. In conclusion, the state of the area is judged more positively than in Street's assessment. Questions of power are argued to be the principal point at issue in comparing research approaches and the need for further explicitness and clarity here is noted.     

Antifa,Street Gangs,and the Importance of Group Processes

This essay reviews David Pyrooz and James Densley’s “On Public Protest, Violence, and Street Gangs” and raises new questions about the ways in which Antifa is similar to and different from social movements; the processes by which “factions within Antifa” become gangs; and the dynamic nature of relationships and interactions between and among violent and non-violent segments. It concludes with a note about the everchanging nature of social life and importance of flexibility in the design and execution of research in capturing this reality.     

新疆籍流浪儿童社会融入障碍与对策初探——基于一项质性调查的研究

新疆籍流浪儿童在回归后,很难融入家乡的社会生活。通过文献、观察和访谈的质性方法,从经济、文化心理、社会公共关系三个方面,掌握其社会融入的状况和障碍。结合新疆籍流浪儿童的特殊性和新疆的区情,综合各种现有模式,试图提出合适的社会融入对策。     

Word on the Street: The Persistence of Leftist-dominated Protest in Europe

Classic studies of protest politics have traditionally defended the dominant left-wing orientation of protesters. However, some recent research has highlighted the general spread of protest by the increasing participation of right-wing individuals. Has this process meant an ‘ideological normalisation’ of protesters? The present article tackles this question by examining competing hypotheses regarding the relationship between ideology and political protest. Through a hierarchical multilevel design, the article tests whether left-wing (or right-wing) supporters are more likely to stay at home when left-wing (right-wing) parties are in power and whether they intensify their protest activities when they are more distant from the government’s ideological position. The article shows that left-wing individuals protest more under right-wing governments than under left-wing governments and yet, they are the group which protest the most also under left-wing governments. Both party mobilisation and values appear to be behind these individuals' greater propensity to participate regardless of the governments' ideological orientation.