家庭暴力：一杯苦涩的老酒

家庭暴力是一个非常普遍的社会问题,是不同年龄、人种、社会阶层都会涉及的非常重要的影响社会公共健康的问题——     

未成年人违法犯罪的社区预防模式研究——一项基于武汉市调查的研究

本文首先论述了有关未成年人违法犯罪社区预防研究的国内外现状,在对武汉市调查进行分析的基础上,总结了未成年人违法犯罪社区预防的模式,即“区街主导、社区整合、邻里相助、家校互动”,系统全面地论述了社区在预防未成年人违法犯罪中的重要意义。     

对父母虐待未成年子女的法律思考——兼谈监护制度的完善

根据我国民法的规定,权利能力“始于出生,终于死亡”,即任何人都有权利能力,却不是所有人都有行为能力。不满十八周岁的未成年人大部分为无民事行为能力或限制民事行为能力的人,他们的人身、财产和其他合法权益需由其监护人进行监管和保护,这就是监护制度。设立监护制度的目的主要是为了保护无行为能力和限制行为能力人的合法权益,从而维护社会秩序的稳定。同时,监护从其本质上讲是对无民事行为能力和限制民事行为能力人的监督和照顾的制度。     

对父母虐待未成年子女的法律思考——兼谈监护制度的完善

根据我国民法的规定，权利能力“始于出生，终于死亡”，即任何人都有权利能力，却不是所有人都有行为能力。不满十八周岁的未成年人大部分为无民事行为能力或限制民事行为能力的人，他们的人身、财产和其他合法权益需由其监护人进行监管和保护，这就是监护制度。设立监护制度的目的主要是为了保护无行为能力和限制行为能力人的台法权益，从而维护社会秩序的稳定。同时，监护从其本质上讲是对无民事行为能力和限制民事行为能力人的监督和照顾的制度。但问题是如果侵权人恰恰就是未成年人的父母或其他监护人，那么他们的权利怎么行使，又怎么维护自身的合法权益呢？     

对新型大国关系的一种解读

大国和大国关系属于历史演进中的概念,也是国际秩序得以维持的国际制度。中国提出新型大国关系主要出于防御目的,希望能够和平崛起、在国际社会中得到应有的尊重,以及为维护国际秩序发挥自己的作用。新型大国关系能否建立,关键在于美国是否真正接受中国的崛起,中国是否被接受为具有合法性的大国俱乐部成员,参与国际规范和规则的制定和修改,同时也取决于中国自己的战略选择。     

初中生欺负状况的调查与分析——以浙江省象山县二十五所初中为例

欺负行为在中小学校园中很普遍，且对学生的身心健康有很大的危害，在这点上国内外研究具有跨文化的一致性，此问题已引起广泛关注。本研究选取浙江省象山县25所中学的初一、初二年级学生为研究对象，调查学生的欺负程度及规律，分析发现初中生的欺负程度与年级及陛别有关，与父母的职业类型有关。     

杀亲——一种新型的青少年犯罪

以网络检索而得的10个青少年杀亲个案为主要资料,通过对个案的分析,发现青少年杀亲存在着的一些共性的特征,诸如,杀亲诱因主要是解除压力和寻求亲情,杀亲方式主要是投毒等.同时,从自我角色的冲突、社会联系的断裂、家庭教育的缺陷以及社会不良文化的熏陶等四个方面分析了青少年亲杀的原因,并在这个基础上提出了四个可行性的对策.     

论加强我国刑事被害调查的研究——暨对2000年ICVS报告之分析

联合国区域间犯罪和司法研究所对17个工业化国家进行了ICVS调查,通过将七大项调查的结果和中国的实际情况比较分析,同时提出研究ICVS应注意的问题,得出于我国有益的结论重视犯罪预防工作,进行卓有成效的被害调查,加强相关学科发展.     

对犯罪少年收容教养问题的调查研究

本文回顾了我国开展收容教养工作的历史，介绍了江苏省历年来收容教养犯罪少年的情况，指出了收容教养工作中存在的问题，提出了进一步完善这项工作的建议。     

大陆学生赴台湾高校就读意愿调查研究——以福建、广东、浙江三省为对象

积极推动两岸高校相互招生,建立健全学生双向流动机制是促进两岸高等教育交流合作往纵深领域发展的关键点。2011年,大陆官方确定北京、上海、江苏、浙江、福建和广东六省为大陆学生赴台就读学位试点首批省市;今年,新增辽宁、湖北两个试点省份。那么,大陆学生对于到台湾高校就读的意愿如何？     

传媒暴力对青少年犯罪的影响及社会控制的心理分析

传媒暴力的泛滥是诱发青少年犯罪的重要因素之一,也是影响青少年社会认知、反社会人格形成的主要因素之一,本文试图从理论上探讨传媒暴力对青少年具有吸引力的心理分析,以期从政府、社会、家庭寻求控制传媒暴力的有效机制,保证青少年健康成长。     

Identity and fear: A survey study of the Arab East

This article explores the concepts of social identity and fear in the Arab East, namely in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, and among Palestinians living in these countries. Its theoretical framework is composed of two major conceptions: individuals’ perceptions of their social and political identity-affiliation and inter-intra-group relations. It is asserted that the feeling of fear and antipathy in the Arab East creates or supports confessional individual identity and group affiliation. The findings, which are construed through survey analysis, support the arguments that secterian groups are basic actors in the politics of the Arab East and that all political analysis that negates their influence as identity units is superficial. The survey results discredit the argument that the feeling of belonging to confessional groups is anomalous, anachronistic, and evanescent. On the contrary, the minority identity has never been obliterated in the Arab East, and these minorities carry the potential of asserting a real threat to regime stability and to the political order. These threats, though they seem dormant at times, are very much alive and should not be discounted. Michel G. Nehme is an assistant professor at American University of Beirut, Department of Political Studies and Public Administration, PO Box 11-0236, Beirut, Lebanon     

Neo-Orientalism and the new barbarism thesis: Aspects of symbolic violence in the Middle East conflict(s)

Imaginaries of 'terrorism' and 'Arab mind' backwardness can be seen as closely connected: the latter explains the former as irrational--violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures. I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence: new barbarism. The 'new barbarism' thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence, and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures. New barbarism and neo-Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to legitimise continuous colonial economic or political projects, as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.     

Conflict dynamics and agonistic dialogue on historical violence: a case from Indonesia

This article contends that the type of high-level political consensus needed to reach a peace agreement is often insufficient for rebuilding and transforming wider social relations. Consensus-focused processes tend to suppress divergent views and experiences of conflict, particularly among grassroots conflict actors, and risk deepening social divides by homogenising diverse memories of past violence, with potentially dangerous consequences. In response to these concerns this article advances an understanding of agonistic dialogue and explores an example of such dialogue in communal conflict in Indonesia. Building on an understanding of effective dialogue as sustained, intensive and relational, this article also underscores the need for effective dialogue to have politico-institutional support and to be locally driven and owned by actors who are legitimate and trusted in the eyes of conflict protagonists.     

Understanding self-harm and suicide websites: a qualitative interview study of young adult website users

Self-harm and suicide websites have been heavily criticized both in the literature and the wider media, despite the fact that very little is known about them. To date, no study has interviewed users of these sites about them. This qualitative study aims to explore the accounts of young adults who engage in self-harming and suicidal behaviors and use websites dedicated to these issues, in order to develop a broader understanding of these websites and to identify potential implications for future research. In-depth interviews were conducted via e-mail with 10 participants, who were recruited directly from self-harm and suicide websites. Using discourse analysis, we identified three main ways in which participants wrote about the sites. They constructed them as sources of empathy and understanding, as communities, and as a way of coping with social and psychological distress. These discourses gave users access to important, socially valued identities, such as being understood, belonging to a community and coping with their problems. If health professionals and researchers hope to understand people who use self-harm and suicide websites, and engage them in their services, they must take a more balanced view and not focus solely on the possible risks associated with using such sites.     

Blaming the Victim: Perceptions About Incarcerated Sexual Assault Victim Culpability Among a Sample of Jail Correctional Officers

Research examining correctional officer perceptions about the sexual victimization of inmates is rare. This research offers a first glimpse of what personal, job-related, and attitudinal factors influence blaming incarcerated sexual assault victims among a sample of 376 jail correctional officers in one state. Surveys are utilized to elicit understanding about officer perceptions of incarcerated victims. Findings indicate that jail correctional officer blaming of incarcerated sexual assault victims is highly correlated with perceptions about rape myths and homosexuality. Specifically, officers who adhere to rape myths and disapprove of homosexuality are more likely to blame incarcerated victims of sexual assault. This study is a first to examine factors correlated with jail correctional officer blaming of incarcerated sexual assault victims. The results are useful in understanding the perspectives of jail correctional officers and experiences of victims incarcerated in jails. Implications for correctional institutions and authorities include attending to the issue of sexual assault in correctional facilities, understanding staff perceptions that are related to this issue, training of staff, and classification of inmates.     

The CROSON decision and the demise of set-ASIDES: a national survey

This research examines the policy response to City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Company and explores the impact of the decision on minority business enterprises (MBEs) one year after the decision was handed down. This is done by focusing on dollars spent on MBEs and on how localities differ based on region and percent minority population. For most of the cities studied, dollars spent on minority business enterprises had not declined one year after Croson. Various means of securing spending such as the disparity study and race/gender neutral goal progams explain why such is the case. The need for further study is cited in order to determine the impact of multi-year contracts and to see if race and gender neutral goal programs are as effective as “set-asides” in targeting minority as well as non-minority small businesses.