共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
In several respects, the EU represents both a novel system of quasi-supranational governance and a novel form of political community or polity. But it is also a fragile construction for it remains a community still in the making with an ambiguous sense of identity and within which powerful forces are at work. This paper has three main aims: first, to stress the shifting nature of Europe??s geographical frontiers and assess whether cultural frontiers have remained more stable throughout time. In particular, it examines the main criteria, which have traditionally been employed when having to decide who should be included and excluded from Europe. A different question concerns the requirements for EU membership and the monopoly of the adjective ??European?? by the EU, which somehow has become to be identified with Europe. Second, to explore the prospects for the emergence of a European identity. Here, I argue that European identity stands as a ??non-emotional identity?? in sharp contrast with traditional forms of national identity associated with intense nationalist feelings. Third, through the analysis of the most recent Eurobarometer (annual survey of EU??s public opinion) to examine the views of Europeans regarding the EU at a time of a major global economic crisis. To conclude, the paper explores the main challenges to be faced by a still incipient European identity. 相似文献
2.
3.
4.
The 2003 Duma election resulted in the victory of the party of power, thereby strengthening managed democracy in Russia. Since then, political trends in Russia's regions and rural politics provide considerable evidence of the increasing ability of pro-Kremlin forces to maximise their electoral fortunes in national contests. These political trends make it likely that United Russia will not only emerge as the dominant party in the 2007 Duma election, but will provide the Kremlin and Putin's successor with a compliant lower house. The outcome is that Putin's successor will find the political infrastructure to continue managed democracy. 相似文献
5.
6.
Lukáš Holas 《Communist and Post》2018,51(2):151-160
Despite recent changes in international relations and lapse of time since the fall of the USSR, the issue of Russian membership in NATO has been an ongoing fact. Hence, the principle scope of the paper is SWOT analysis of potential Russian membership in NATO from the perspective of the Russian Federation. Through the introduction and evaluation of advantages and disadvantages of such membership in the light of latest geopolitical events in Eurasia suggested by academic and professional circles in NATO countries and Russia, we proceed with identification of fundamental strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats that Russia might face. Taking into account such determining factors as the size of its territory, shifting geopolitical conditions in the world, modern understanding of security and a potentially frozen dispute in Ukraine, we come to the conclusion that benefits potentially brought by Russian membership in NATO could be sustained while drawbacks could be eliminated by incorporation of NATO to OSCE and a change in voting procedures of the Alliance. 相似文献
7.
2009年1月20日,奥巴马正式宣誓就任美国第44任总统。对于美国民众来说,这是又一个美国梦成为现实的故事,一个来自于曾经处于被奴役、被歧视地位的族群的黑人小子,成为美国总统的奋斗故事。而大多数中国人所关心的.更多是奥巴马时代的中美关系走向,是这个以“改变”为口号的新任美国总统,将会怎样把握这一当今世界上最重要的双边关系。 相似文献
8.
《Communist and Post》2007,40(2):157-168
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in late 1991, the Caspian Sea region has been seen as a potential major oil and natural gas reservoir. For more than a decade, the five nations that share the Caspian—Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Turkmenistan—have sought to develop the basin's hydrocarbon resources. This paper provides an assessment of these resources and examines two major hurdles: lack of consensus on the legal status of the Caspian and disagreement of the most cost effective pipeline routes. It argues that oil and natural gas from the Caspian is certain to contribute to global energy security. However, the Caspian Sea should not be seen as a replacement to the Persian Gulf. 相似文献
9.
"Terrorism Studies" as a specific discipline is a comparatively recent addition to the social sciences and is still grappling with questions relating to a proper or appropriate methodology. This article argues that research within the field is often based neither on primary sources nor set within an independent analytical framework. Rather, it is characterized by an "aligned" position dependent on a research hermeneutic of crisis management, which perpetuates the "received view." Talking to "terrorists" and the use of social identity theory, applied in a context of cultural difference, are here proposed as a methodology enabling independent analysis. 相似文献
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
Peter Curwen 《Public administration》1999,77(3):599-619
A notable feature of European Union Directives is that they are initially somewhat loosely worded, necessitating constant (re)interpretation by the European Court of Justice. This process may itself eventually necessitate the publication of a new version of a Directive, once again creating tensions between member states. Few Directives illustrate this better than that concerned with the 'acquired' rights of employees in the case of business transfers which has recently been revised more than twenty years after its original publication. This article sets out to explore, mainly in the context of the UK: the context and content of the original Directive; its particular relevance for the increasingly popular practice of contracting out; the role played by the European Court of Justice in both clarifying and, arguably, clouding the issues; the process of revising the Directive. It concludes with an assessment of the current state of play. 相似文献
15.
16.
17.
This article argues that since 1949, the relationship between Israel and Jordan has depended primarily on their interactions with a Third Actor--identified as Egypt from 1949 to the mid-1970s, and as the Palestinians thereafter. Conflict between Israel and Jordan always follows conflict one or both nations have with the Third Actor. The analysis suggests a cyclical and hierarchical allegiance condition, in which Jordan switches from an alliance with Israel to an alliance with the Third Actor. Jordan cooperates with Israel--even if it itself engages in conflict with the Third Actor--until Israel engages in conflict with the Third Actor, at which point Jordan realigns with the Third Actor against Israel. This analysis suggests that to avoid an Israeli-Jordanian conflict, Israel must reach an agreement with the Palestinians regarding the existence and borders of a Palestinian state. Such an agreement, however, may not guarantee permanent peace between Israel and Jordan, as regional tensions fueled by controversy regarding the existence and legitimacy of the Jordanian Hashemite monarchy may rise again. Thus, even if a Palestinian state were established, the current peace between Israel and Jordan might be transitory. 相似文献
18.
19.
20.
Cristian J. Melo Steven A. Wolf 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2007,42(3-4):256-278
Results of our 2003 survey of Ecuadorian banana producers’ farming practices indicate that firms engaged in labeling schemes generate lower environmental risks than uncertified firms. Certified firms exhibit relatively comprehensive environmental management systems, while noncertified farms exhibited limited, uneven, and unstructured adoption of best management practices. We explore the specific circumstances that differentiate the more environmentally friendly firms from their conventional counterparts, and we identify the sustainability pathways available to differently situated firms engaged in banana production. We find that small certified operations mobilize social capital to engage alternative markets and add value to their products, while large certified firms rely on financial backing of international organizations to modernize their operations. For both large and small firms producing bananas in Ecuador, the sustainability gains we observe are premised on mobilization of external resources from actors in the industrialized world. We demonstrate that improved environmental performance of commodity production cannot be attributed to local resources, local dynamics, and local institutions. Our analysis also points to the limits of export of sustainability from rich nations to developing nation firms. Only a fraction of the industry participates in certification programs, and large segments of the population of firms are likely to remain unattractive and inaccessible to external resource providers. In this context, it appears that the state must define and enforce minimum environmental standards to progressively raise performance. 相似文献