首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 859 毫秒
1.
中非关系从郑和下西洋以来,友好关系延绵至近,随着国际大环境的变化,特别是进入21世纪以来,中国与法语非洲经贸关系进入了一个新的历史时期,本文试图通过对中非双方的交往史的梳理,以及近年来双方贸易合作的现状,展示机遇并分析风险,对未来双方的合作前景作出预测.  相似文献   

2.
中非关系从郑和下西洋以来,友好关系延绵至近,随着国际大环境的变化,特别是进入21世纪以来,中国与法语非洲经贸关系进入了一个新的历史时期,本文试图通过对中非双方的交往史的梳理,以及近年来双方贸易合作的现状,展示机遇并分析风险,对未来双方的合作前景作出预测.  相似文献   

3.
德国智库有关中非经贸合作的研究包括贸易、能源、投资和援助等方面。德国智库的研究认为,中非经贸合作对非洲的经济发展产生了积极的效应,中国对非的发展援助新理念受到了非洲国家的广泛认可。与此相应,德国智库指出了西方部分媒体和民众对于中非关系存在的错误认知。但是,德国智库同时也批评了中国在非洲能源政策上的不透明,没有顾及当地的人权、良治和民主建设,忽视劳工、环保和社会公正性标准等。本文最后针对上述问题做出一些作者自己的思考。  相似文献   

4.
自北非动荡和利比亚战争结束后,非洲面临的总体安全挑战日益严峻,既有内战和武装冲突等传统安全领域的问题,也有恐怖活动在非洲扩散,“不稳定之孤”暗流涌动的威胁。埃博拉疫情扩散则敲响了非洲公共卫生危机的安全警报。随着中非关系的不断深化和发展,非洲安全与中国的联系日益紧密,必须高度重视与非洲国家开展安全领域的合作。作者从多个角...  相似文献   

5.
今年是郑和下西洋600周年,本文论述了郑和下西洋多次到达印度尼西亚的经过,及其在印尼留下的诸如三保洞、三保庙、札克拉·陀惹大铜钟遗迹、遗物,以及"三保公鱼"和"郑和与榴莲"等神话传说.印尼的华人和当地其他民族对郑和遗迹、遗物的钟爱与向往,逐渐形成了"郑和崇拜",本文从文化学的角度分析了印尼华人"郑和崇拜"所表现出来的种种现象.本文认为,印尼华人的"郑和崇拜"经过漫长的历史岁月已发展成为今天印尼民间文化的一个特色.  相似文献   

6.
明朝郑和(1371—1433)是中国一位杰出的航海家。他率领巨舰百艘,七下西洋,远航亚非30余国,涉沧溟10万余里,历28年之久。郑和为增进我国与亚非各国间的贸易往来与友好关系,为推进世界文明的发展,作出了重大贡献。在七下西洋期间,郑和几乎每次都访问印尼的爪哇和苏门答腊等岛屿。下面介绍郑和在印尼(尤其在爪哇岛)传播伊斯兰教的情况。  相似文献   

7.
随着非洲华侨华人在数量与规模上的不断增长和扩大,同时由于语言、文化、观念等方面的差异,华侨华人在非洲面临很多困境与问题。据此,本文基于长期深入的田野调查,以博茨瓦纳的华侨华人为例,探讨华侨华人在非洲所遭遇的困境与挑战,分析原因,提出应对措施,进而展望未来的中非关系。  相似文献   

8.
中非关系和"一带一路"举世瞩目。非洲既是古代丝绸之路的途经地和目的地之一,也是"一带一路"的必经之地,以及"一带一路"不可或缺的参与者。"一带一路"和中巴经济走廊/中印孟缅经济走廊可以推助中非合作。非洲欢迎中国提出的"一带一路"建设计划并愿参与其中。中非双方在对接"一带一路"时挑战与机遇并存。我们应该以推动"一带一路"建设为契机促进中非合作,进一步深化中非友好合作关系。  相似文献   

9.
作者详尽地分析和考察了明朝永乐年间中国与暹罗 (今泰国 )的国与国关系 ,研讨了郑和七下西洋的深远影响和历史意义。同时对一些史学公案提出了自己的学术见解。立论颇具新意 ,资料翔实 ,值得一读。  相似文献   

10.
非洲地域辽阔,国家众多,深入开展国别研究对认识非洲和中非合作意义重大。加蓬以其资源禀赋优越及人均GDP高而闻名,本文回顾了加蓬独立以来政治经济格局的困局,法国与加蓬的―特殊关系‖对加蓬的政治经济格局有巨大的影响,石油资源并未对加蓬经济发展带来积极影响,加蓬成为资源诅咒的现实版,国内贫困问题依旧突出。作者从政治格局和经济格局视角分析了―变‖与―不变‖的进程与逻辑,对影响加蓬政治经济格局未来走势的四大关键因素——加蓬政府因素、法国因素、资源因素以及国际市场因素做了定性的分析,最后指出中国在加蓬发展中扮演重要的地位,中法非合作在加蓬有很大的发展合作空间,对加蓬经济向多元化发展、改善经济的脆弱性有至关重要的意义。  相似文献   

11.
论郑和与东南亚的伊斯兰教   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
郑和出身于穆斯林世家,他在国内从事多种伊斯兰教活动。关于郑和在海外传播伊斯兰教一事,中国史籍上没有涉及,但海外却有不少这方面的记载和传说。本文联系当时东南亚的社会背景介绍了海外有关记载,并分析了长期以来中外学者关于郑和在海外传播伊斯兰教的研究很少的原因。作者认为,七下西洋期间,郑和在完成明廷使命之余,在海外传播伊斯兰教是完全可能的。海外有关的记载和传说,固然尚待进一步考证,但毕竟为我们提供了十分宝贵的线索, 有助于我们了解郑和下西洋的全面情况,尤其是他在15世纪东南亚伊斯兰教发展过程中的作用。如事实确凿,这也是中国与东南亚文化交流的组成部分。  相似文献   

12.
王桃 《东南亚研究》2006,(3):83-86,96
基于中越之地域与历史关系,中国学者对两国之关系虽然缺乏热情,但一直有所注意。随着近年学界对中外关系史的重视,相关研究成果也有较大的增加,然而至今尚没有总结性的文章。本文试图对过去百年来中国学者在中越关系领域的研究成果进行回顾,并找出存在的问题,希望对推进此领域的研究有所裨益。  相似文献   

13.
This article considers the World Bank as a political thinker. This involves an interpretation of the values, methodologies, and theoretical references contained within the Bank's governance documentation. Generally, the Bank steers away from a serious engagement with the nature of states, or the dynamics of reform execution, even in its more detailed policy documents in reform areas such as administrative reform. But, by looking at the World Bank's involvement in African states, we can understand the ways in which the World Bank works with certain expectations concerning how reforms will work. The article critically analyses the Bank's 'political vision' by comparing it with prominent theories of African politics. The article concludes that the World Bank's governance agenda misses three pivotal aspects of African politics: the unity of political and economic power, the extreme openness of African states to external pressures, and the salience of historically-embedded cultural and political relations. These three points directly raise important questions about the prospects of good governance reforms in Africa, and the involvement of the Bank therein.  相似文献   

14.
The establishment of an African military command by the United States reflects the growing focus of the United States on Africa in the US National Security Strategy, which appears to be continuing under new US President Barack Obama. This article deals with several questions. What is the stated US National Security Strategy pertaining to Africa? What national interests does the United States have in Africa? What is the United States officially saying about its objectives in Africa and what has it actually been doing to date? And what are other opinion makers saying about US military involvement in Africa? Finally, it looks at the question of US perceptions of possible rivals in Africa and at potential scenarios for conflict before making a series of conclusions about the threats and opportunities posed by AFRICOM for Africa, and recommendations for a response to AFRICOM on the part of policymakers in South Africa.  相似文献   

15.
Ampiah  Kweku 《African affairs》2005,104(414):97-115
From the early 1960s to the late 1980s, relations between Japanand sub-Saharan Africa were very low-key.This, Japanese policy-makersproclaimed, was because Japan had no history of colonial involvementin Africa, and the lack of historical guilt exempted their countryfrom participating in Africa's economic development. Since theearly 1990s, however, Japan has been reassessing its relationswith the countries in the region and now seems to have decidedon a more pro-active approach to African affairs organized throughthe Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD).  相似文献   

16.
Large  Daniel 《African affairs》2008,107(426):45-61
In the wake of China's Year of Africa in 2006, China–Africarelations are currently the subject of unprecedented attention.However, although those relations are widely covered they arealso under-researched. This article offers an introduction toChina–Africa relations, covering background to the historyand politics of Chinese involvement in the continent and identifyingareas of further research. It concludes by calling for the studyof China–Africa relations to develop a culture of seriousresearch beyond current ‘dragon in the bush’ preoccupationsand so engage a complex subject that is about to become a mainstreamissue in African politics. The author is grateful to Nina Sylvanus, Ricardo Soares de Oliveira,Chris Alden, and especially Nai Rui Chng and Deborah Brautigamfor helpful comments on an earlier version.  相似文献   

17.
Peacekeeping has grown in significance over the years within international relations, yet only a few analyses have applied the frameworks of international relations theory to the issues of peacekeeping. This paper begins with a view to broaden that analysis, and to look at three of the African countries that have contributed significant resources over the years to help restore peace on their continent: Nigeria, Ethiopia and Rwanda. The following article analyses these three countries (and not South Africa, which features a great deal already in the literature) from the point of view of their military capabilities, including sources of training and equipment, after assessing the motivations, challenges and opportunities of each to contribute to peacekeeping in Africa. From that basis, the article assesses the positive and negative impacts these militaries bring to the region's conflicts, as well as the impact of their troops for the sending nations. Lastly, the article assesses the concept of ‘African solutions to African problems’, and argues that this proposition, while worth pursuing, is not a realistic one for peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts on the continent in the short term, mainly owing to funding and equipment restraints.  相似文献   

18.
This article provides a broad overview of the necessity for and challenges of decolonising universities in South Africa. It situates the student protests for the decolonisation of knowledge within the debates on the African Higher Education landscape, the ideology of Pan-Africanism, and calls for an African Renaissance. The article highlights the context in which the Fallist Movement emerged in South Africa and the demands it articulated. This article questions whether or not the decolonisation of knowledge, and the broader university system, can truly materialise, given the inherent nature and functioning of these institutions and the current practices of decolonising universities. The article argues that to date the decolonisation of universities has largely been ad-hoc, performative, and technical, rather than the sustainable and substantive transformative processes that should be at the heart of any decolonisation project. Furthermore, the article asserts that the universities that we are trying to decolonise are rigged spaces as they have been fashioned in the image of western universities and align with their norms, values, and epistemologies. To break this foundational epistemological and cultural bedrock requires a complete overhaul of the structure, ideology, and functioning of the universities. Without major shifts in the power relations, orientation and forms of knowledge production at these universities, there can be no decolonisation.  相似文献   

19.
日本对非经济关系虽然已有数十年的历史,但进展缓慢,日本学界及经济界也常常批评日本政府对非洲不够重视。90年代以后日本充分利用非洲发展会议(TICAD)这一平台,全方位地加大了对非洲的关注力度,尤其是目前的安倍政权更是推出了一系列的非洲经济政策,旨在增强同非洲各国的经济关系,谋求更多的经济利益和国际话语权。  相似文献   

20.
Social theory in, and social theorising about, Africa has largely ignored African literature. Yet, the works of African writers constitute potential sources for the analysis of social thought and for constructing social theory in the continent. Indeed, African writers offer the kinds of abstractions, comparisons, frameworks and critical reflections on the African lifeworld – and the place of the African in the global context in the longue durée – without which it will be impossible to fully account for the nature of being, existence and reality and the nature and scope of knowledge in the African context. This introduction to the special issue on ‘Writers and Social Thought in Africa’ attempts to bring the social sciences back into conversation with literature (and vice versa) in re-articulating the philosophical dimensions of literature and the social sciences. It re-emphasises the role of African creative writers, not merely as intellectuals whose works mirror or can be used to mirror social thought, but as social thinkers themselves who engage with the nature of existence and questions of knowledge in the continent – and beyond.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号