乡镇政府与村民自治之间的矛盾与冲突--建设社会主义新农村必须扫除的障碍

调查所得到的数据与事实表明乡镇政府与村民自治之间存在各种矛盾与冲突.这些矛盾与冲突既存在于乡镇政府与村级组织之间,也存在于乡镇政府与普通村民之间;但乡镇政府与普通村民之间的矛盾与冲突较乡镇政府与村级组织之间的矛盾与冲突明显.就内容而言,矛盾与冲突主要存在于民主选举、民主决策、民主管理、民主监督及经济利益等五方面,尤以经济利益方面的矛盾与冲突最为突出.矛盾与冲突影响农村社会的稳定与发展,是建设社会主义新农村必须扫除的障碍.     

农民与用地单位的矛盾冲突及其治理——基于边界冲突视角的分析

农民与用地单位之间矛盾冲突的发生频度、激烈程度和破坏烈度都不亚于农民与政府之间的冲突。现行征地制度下双方的利益边界、权利边界和行动边界都模糊不清,这既是双方冲突的深层诱因,也是此类冲突极难治理的重要原因。因此,通过对征地制度的深度改革,赋予双方独立的市场主体地位,构建双方在符合规划的前提下平等的直接交易机制,设定双方之间合理的利益边界、明晰的权利边界和清晰的行动边界,是预防和化解此类冲突的根本之策。     

《马克思主义基本原理概论》理论与现实冲突研究

高校《马克思主义基本原理概论》课缺乏实效性的重要原因是理论与现实的冲突问题没有得到很好地解答,此类问题归纳后具体描述为马克思主义理论宣传的政治性与科学性之间的冲突问题、阶级斗争理论与当前中国建构和谐社会之间的冲突问题、集体主义价值观与市场经济中追求个人利益合理性之间的冲突问题等七个方面并依次解答。原理课教师在解答的过程中必须坚持方向性原则、科学性原则和客观性原则,才能收到理想效果。     

农村群体冲突的现状与和谐农村建设机制研究——对广东部分地区的调查

当前农民群体与基层政府间的局部冲突主要围绕自然资源的利用和分配而展开的,冲突的根源是传统的制度安排与当代利益主体充分分化之间的矛盾,目前的解决策略有理论准备的不足和具体措施的不足,解决冲突的根本是要消除产生冲突的体制性障碍,并构建解决冲突的长效机制.     

阶层关系和谐的法制保障

改革开放以来,中国的社会结构由单一阶层演变为多个阶层并存。调查显示阶层冲突普遍存在,但对阶层合作信心十足。阶层冲突主要存在于雇主与雇员之间、干部与群众之间、管理者与被管理者之间及贫富等阶层之间。阶层关系和谐是社会稳定和发展的基础,公众认可并接受调整阶层关系的依据是法律与制度。完善现有的法律与制度体系是实现社会和谐、维护社会稳定的有效途径。     

冲突·新规范·和谐——基于冲突理论的石油企业与资源所在地构建和谐关系探讨

冲突理论认为,冲突在导致社会不和谐的同时,又有利于社会关系的维护和社会的变迁。从长远来看,冲突对新规范、价值和制度,以及新群体结构与社会的建立,具有激发功能。运用冲突理论分析石油企业与资源所在地之间冲突现状及其成因,提出处理这些冲突的相应对策,对于双方构建和谐关系具有积极的理论意义和现实意义。     

论反贫困与社会发展

在不同的社会发展阶段,对社会中贫困现象的视角以及由此形成的解决方案是不同的。反贫困战略的经济手段策略和公共服务策略之间所存在的差异,不仅仅是表面的工具差异,更是深层次的伦理冲突,即以个人价值最大化的市场伦理与以社会成就为基本考量目标的社会伦理之间的冲突。当前反贫困战略存在的问题与面临的挑战,可以反映为观念和实践两个层面的矛盾与冲突,要解决矛盾和冲突,就需要以人的基本能力培育为关键指标,实现反贫困战略与公共服务体系之间的协调。     

公共政策冲突:内涵、表现及其效应分析

公共政策是政府行政机关为实现一定的目标而确定的行动方案与行为准则,公共政策冲突就是公共政策系统内部各种政策之间以及政策的各种要素之间所发生的对立、抵触、矛盾现象.公共政策冲突的本质是政策主体之间的利益冲突.公共政策冲突的表现形式多种多样,当前中国公共政策冲突具有普遍性,既具有正面的效应,也具有负面的影响.但最主要的是负面影响.     

公共行政的伦理冲突场景与消解途径

中西方公共管理人性假设尽管殊异,却遭遇并非宿命却又难以避免、普遍而又典型的公共行政伦理冲突场景:角色冲突、权力冲突、利益冲突、价值冲突以及法理与情理之间的冲突。置身于我国情民意环境下的行政伦理冲突,可以在正义和民主原则框架内,通过构建行政责任模式和推进行政伦理制度化来实现消解。     

论领导角色冲突的类型、原因及表现

一、领导角色冲突的类型 领导角色是和一定社会地位相联系的行为模式,这种特定的社会地位规定了领导角色的活动范围的行为规范。由于社会分工不同,各自的利益和实现的目标不同,以及领导角色的智力、经验、价值观不同,所以在领导者之间、领导集团之间不可避免地会发生各种各样的冲突。从冲突的主体看,我们把领导角色冲突分为个体的内心冲突、领导者之间的冲突和群体之间的冲突。     

紧急救治权问题研究

《侵权责任法》56条的规定完善了患者的紧急救治权,但是患者知情不同意的情况下,紧急救治行为是否应该进行,还是需要解决的问题。从我国相关法律对紧急救治权的规定及理论研究,国外对紧急救治权的规定及实务处理方面进行研究,继而提出对紧急救治权的完善。     

The Intelligence Requirement of International Mediation

This article explores the intelligence requirement of international mediation, a topic that is ignored in both the literature on conflict resolution and the literature on intelligence. A mediator's strategies and tactics ought to be informed by a deep understanding of the parties' internal calculations about the conflict and its resolution. Intelligence is needed to gain this understanding because the parties typically do not reveal their sensitive deliberations to outsiders. United Nations mediation teams should have a monitoring and analysis unit that endeavours to meet this need and reduce the ignorance that commonly afflicts international mediation.     

The political business cycle under rational voting behavior

This essay argues that politically motivated business cycles could persist in a democratic society even if the electorate votes in a rational, fully informed manner, provided that government policymakers have the means to systematically generate macroeconomic fluctuations. This cyclic outcome reflects the pReferences of an electorate that is composed of imperfectly altruistic voters belonging to different overlapping generations. Since each generation has a different horizon over which it would like to have elected politicians provide an optimal economic policy plan, an intergenerational conflict of interests situation arises. This conflict is placed into an explicit political context, whereby cycles become generated under the institutional constraint of periodic elections.     

Why accommodate minorities asymmetrically? A theory of ideological authority insulation

Tensions between regionalist claimants and state-wide governments remain the primary source of violent conflicts. Existing theories cannot systematically explain why and when state-wide governments accede to such claims. Building on the partisan approaches developed so far, a theory of ideological authority insulation is constructed in this article. It is argued that the willingness of state-wide parties to transfer authority to specific territorial entities is predominantly informed by ideological proximity to those entities. In a nutshell, the dominant conflict dimension in a country superimposes partisan rationales on the territorial dimension. A new dataset has been compiled with roughly 4,300 region-cabinet dyads between 1945 and 2015, including electoral data, party positions and regional ‘centres of gravity’. Using panel rare-events regressions, it is found that ideological proximity systematically explains the accommodation of minority demand controlling for alternative explanations from the partisan and ethnic conflict literature. The empirical evidence therefore supports adding ideological insulation and superimposition to the toolbox of partisan and conflict researchers. Additionally, the findings encourage the application of arguments from the conflict literature in established democracies and the testing of insights from partisan researchers in less democratic environments.     

Dimensions of political conflict and party positions in multi-level democracies: evidence from the Local Manifesto Project

Partisan conflicts have been frequently analysed in comparative political science research. Yet little is known about the dimensions of political conflict at the local level in multi-level democracies. This article contributes to the literature on the estimation and analysis of party positions by first presenting a new dataset of more than 800 local party manifestos in Germany that allows for a systematic analysis of the dimensions of political conflict at the German local level. Secondly, it is demonstrated that (semi-)automatic content analysis of these texts offers a promising approach for gaining new insights into local party positions. Thirdly, the empirical analysis of German local party manifestos shows that partisan conflicts are not only structured along the left–right dimension but also along a dimension which distinguishes between parties addressing ‘local’ and ‘national’ issues to a varying degree in their manifestos, due to the different behaviour of established and populist parties.     

直觉主义伦理中的显见义务论

直觉主义伦理学家罗斯试图通过提出显见义务论来解决道德冲突问题。显见义务就是正确的、有约束力的、应该被履行的、没有与之竞争的义务。在遇有道德冲突时,由于显见义务不证自明的特性,人们凭直觉就可以直接知道应该履行哪一种义务。然而,由于作为显见义务及其基础——直觉本身的缺陷,显见义务论并没有达到它解决道德冲突的目的。     

When War Brings Peace: A Dynamic Model of the Rivalry Process

This study develops a dynamic model of the rivalry process, explicitly connecting the conflicts that form rivalries. The model demonstrates how these conflicts combine to form an especially conflict‐prone relationship. Using numerical simulations of the model, I deduce and test a hypothesis connecting dyadic conflict and rivalry termination. High‐concentration conflicts increase the probability of rivalry termination by causing a sharp and sustained drop in public support for future military action. Dyadic conflict between rivals can bring peace, under the right circumstances. The article concludes with a discussion of the model's implications for policymakers seeking to limit international violence.     

Recursive Secessions in Former Yugoslavia: too Hard a Case for Theories of Secession?

The recent experience of the former Yugoslavia provides an important test case for appraising theories of secession. This article begins with an outline of the main candidate justifications for a right to secession; withdrawal of consent; remedial right only; national self-determination and hybrids of these arguments. The article then provides a survey of the experience of the various secessions in the former Yugoslavia and draws attention to the particular problem of recursive secessions – that is counter secessions by minorities within the new 'republics'. The discussion of recursive secession provides an additional criterion for assessing the adequacy of candidate theories of justified secession.     

Electoral competition in Europe's new tripolar political space: Class voting for the left,centre‐right and radical right

The rise of the radical right fundamentally changes the face of electoral competition in Western Europe. Bipolar competition is becoming tripolar, as the two dominant party poles of the twentieth century – the left and the centre‐right – are challenged by a third pole of the radical right. Between 2000 and 2015, the radical right has secured more than 12 per cent of the vote in over ten Western European countries. This article shows how electoral competition between the three party poles plays out at the micro level of social classes. It presents a model of class voting that distinguishes between classes that are a party's preserve, classes that are contested strongholds of two parties and classes over which there is an open competition. Using seven rounds of the European Social Survey, it shows that sociocultural professionals form the party preserve of the left, and large employers and managers the preserve of the centre‐right. However, the radical right competes with the centre‐right for the votes of small business owners, and it challenges the left over its working‐class stronghold. These two contested strongholds attest to the co‐existence of old and new patterns of class voting. Old patterns are structured by an economic conflict: Production workers vote for the left and small business owners for the centre‐right based on their economic attitudes. In contrast, new patterns are linked to the rise of the radical right and structured by a cultural conflict.     

A theory of the conditional influence of the European Parliament in the cooperation procedure

I provide a public choice-based explanation of why the European Parliament is sometimes influential in the cooperation procedure. While a conservative Parliament can use its right of rejections to block a decision effectively whenever there is no consent in the Council, a Parliament in favor of change can successfully use its amendment right in the second reading whenever the constraints have been changed unexpectedly since the adoption of the common position such as to create an amendment win set. Then, the European Parliament can choose its most preferred policy in this set which is supported by the Commission, cannot be changed by the Council and is preferred against the status quo by a qualified majority in the Council.