欧洲常规裁军谈判能突破吗?

维也纳专电 进展滞缓的欧洲常规裁军谈判第二阶段于4月18日在维也纳复会。人们关注着这一阶段的谈判何时能取得突破。 第一阶段谈判在去年11月华约、北约22个成员国在巴黎欧安会首脑会议前夕达成了第一个欧洲常规裁军协议后结束。这项协议如果得到全面执行,将在很大程度上缓和欧洲紧张对峙的局面,大大削弱双方特别是苏联在欧洲地区的常规     

苏联外长访日

苏联外长谢瓦尔德纳泽从一月十五日起,对日本进行了为期五天的正式访问,使中断了八年之久的两国外长定期协商得到恢复。访问结束时,日苏发表联合公报,表示两国将重新开始和平条约谈判。长期处于冷淡状态的日苏关系开始由紧张走向缓和。 自从戈尔巴乔夫去年三月出任苏共中央总书记以来,苏联表现出重视改     

实现朝鲜半岛和平的途径

朝鲜政务院总理李根模11月16日致函南朝鲜国务院总理李贤宰,建议12月中旬举行北南高级政治军事会谈,会谈将讨论北方提出的一揽子和平方案,会谈将有助于全面缓和朝鲜北南政治军事对峙状态,并为举行北南高级会谈创造条件。 朝鲜北方是在11月7日提出缓和朝鲜     

裁减方说 竞赛又起

苏联解体,东西方关系缓和,美国和俄罗斯同意再裁减一批核武器,原来对峙的双方都宣称,减少军费开支,缩小兵英数量,似乎喧闹的军备竞赛陡然降低了速度,世界仿佛在长期困扰世人的荆棘路上拐了一个弯。果真能如此么,且慢舒心展眉,事情未必可以乐     

世界继续走向缓和 天下仍不太平——一九九五年的国际安全形势

1995年是冷战结束后的第4年.一年来的情况表明,国际形势仍保持了冷战结束以来的主要趋势,即世界继续走向缓和,但天下仍不太平.世界形势继续走向缓和首先表现在,爆发世界性战争的可能性进一步降低.苏联的解体使美国成为世界唯一的超级大国,但失去了可与之进行全球性军事对抗的对手,世界大战的基本结构已经崩溃.作为苏联遗产主要继承者的俄罗斯1995年尽管在防务和改善其国际战略环境方面作出了很大努力,但仍远未扭转其状况.与此同时,冷战时     

从美苏缓和看亚太地区的和平与安全

美苏之间趋于缓和的形势对亚太地区的和平与安全产生了影响,但因亚太地区存在多种力量,而美苏在本地区的军事对峙仍继续存在,这种缓和并不能自动转化为亚太地区形势的普遍缓和,尚需有关各国进一步努力和争取。 美苏间出现新的缓和局面,其形成同两国对国家安全问题有了若干相近的新认识分不开。这就是经济安全的意义正在超过军     

透视热点局势缓和的原因和趋向

今年以来,世界各地区热点的局势普遍明显趋于缓和:政治解决阿富汗问题的日内瓦协议签署后,苏联军队已有一半撤出了阿富汗;伊朗和伊拉克于8月20日开始停火;安哥拉、古巴和南非在8月正式签订了停火协议,规定     

东西方金融关系发展的新趋势

近年来,随着东西方政治关系的逐渐缓和,随着苏联东欧国家经济体制改革的开展,停滞多年的东西方金融关系开始活跃起来。这突出表现在以下几个方面: 1、西方国家恢复并扩大对苏联东欧国家的贷款。70年代末,由于东西方政治关系恶化和东欧出现的债务危机,东西方资金借贷于80年代初曾一度陷入停顿。经过几年的调整,东欧国家大多已改善了对外     

亚太地区政治经济发展趋势

亚太地区的政治经济形势也和全球的形势相仿。政治上,紧张局势明显趋于缓和,一些地区性的冲突正在降温,有时已呈现和平解决的前景,而一些分裂国家中对峙的双方也开始表现出对话的愿望,因此,90年代有可能成为亚太地区战后最为和平的时期。在经     

论约翰逊政府时期美国在军备竞赛问题上的对苏策略

林登.B.约翰逊(Lyndon.B.Johnson)政府时期,美国在军备竞赛问题上的对苏策略具有双重性。一方面,约翰逊政府不得不大力扩展其同苏联的军备竞赛,以应对苏联的军事挑战和挽回其在盟国心目中日益下降的威信与地位;另一方面,苏联战略核军事力量的迅速发展、越南战争的爆发以及西欧盟友对约翰逊政府的压力又使其不得不在对苏联军备竞赛这一问题上持一种更加谨慎的态度。因而在同苏联军备竞赛扩大化与激烈化的同时又呈现出一定程度的缓和性。     

Growing tensions in the East China Sea

Continuing tensions between China and Japan over the sovereignty of the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands have fuelled international speculation that the two countries could be drawn into a military confrontation. Incidents such as an alleged ‘lock-on’ of a Chinese radar on a Japanese ship have underlined increasing maritime friction between the two countries.     

Language as Criticism: Assessing the Merits of Speech Acts and Discursive Formations in International Relations

Much has been written of late about language as a critical tool of research in international relations. Among critical international relations scholars, constructivists and poststructuralists have been the main proponents of using of language as a challenge to structural realist assumptions about world politics. Yet, it is not always clear why these critical scholars decide to turn to linguistic methodologies. This article reveals that there are compelling reasons for choosing language as a critical tool of analysis. But, contrary to current beliefs, it is important to note that constructivist and poststructuralist strategies of language are not always equivalent and compatible. This essay sorts out the divergent epistemological and political stakes involved in one's choice of a linguistic strategy. Different uses of language offer different critiques of mainstream international political practice. To illustrate this argument, the April 2001 US-China diplomatic crisis over the collision between a surveillance plane and a fighter jet is showcased. It is shown that constructivist and poststructuralist linguistic analyses provide challenging but not always complementary interpretations of the policies, diplomatic procedures, and verbal exchanges that took place during this confrontation.     

Types of Policy and Types of Politics

Basically, there are two solutions to the problem of how policies determine politics. One is the structural solution suggested by Theodore J. Lowi. His way of classifying policies in terms of the likelihood and applicability of coercion seems to be most valid under the general macropolitical assumption of asymmetrically organized patterns of authority. The other is the marginalist solution suggested by James Q. Wilson. His classification of policy change in terms of whether costs and benefits are being dispersed or concentrated through the change in question seems to be most fruitful when the focus is upon the logic and equilibrium of a policy situation as such, regardless of its characteristics from the point of view of coercion and inducement. In this article the confrontation between Lowi and Wilson is analyzed, and a way of combining the two approaches is suggested.     

Russia and the West

Russia and the West are engaged in an ongoing strategic confrontation that shows few signs of relenting. While it is to an extent moderated by the practical need for cooperation on important security issues, Cold War-era logic is likely to prevail in the medium term. The key challenge is to develop clear rules for managing the confrontation.     

对“文明冲突论”的另一种解读

文明冲突论是冷战后在西方影响比较大的国际关系理论之一,它最大的特点是改变了人们在冷战时期习惯以社会制度和意识形态来评判国际形势,试图以文明的冲突来取代社会制度的对抗,大大拓展了国际关系研究的领域和方向,成为世人关注的焦点。     

Religious fundamentalisms,territories and ‘globalization’

Abstract

This paper analyses what the two main monotheist religious fundamentalisms – Islam and Christianity – have had to say about the international system, and in particular their attitudes towards, and visions of, ‘globalization’. The paper concentrates upon the fundamentalist position in respect of the two religious doctrines discussed while fully recognizing that the non-fundamentalists and mainstream traditions in each case do not necessarily share the sentiments announced by – or pursued by – their fundamentalist co-religionists. But it is the fundamentalist variants of the two doctrines that are having the greatest impact on the international situation, so the emphasis is upon these (though there are also some shorter reflections on Jewish religious fundamentalism). In addition, the paper concentrates upon the attitudes of these positions towards the idea of ‘territory’ since this is one of those categories that are more widely at stake in the general discussion of globalization and its consequences. Finally, the paper assesses the impact of these doctrines on the conduct of international relations, the likely success or otherwise of their impact, and the nature of the international system that is being forged in the wake of the re-emergence of fundamentalist activity in the domestic and international spheres.     

The winning of the 1995 French presidential election

The article analyses the processes which conditioned the outcome of the 1995 presidential election in France. By a fresh evaluation of four frequently made propositions, namely (1) the presidential contest is above party politics, (2) presidential candidacy is pre‐eminently about individual leadership, (3) the confrontation is between the incumbent (or his surrogates) and one or more ‘challengers’, and (4) this confrontation reinforces political polarisation, the unique configuration of the current French polity is delineated. In conclusion, the interaction between social and political fractures is shown to have been crucial to Chirac's victory.     

教育国际化与"教育贸易服务"

中国"入世",将面临全面冲击和挑战,教育也不例外,根据WTO服务贸易总协定第13条规定,除了各国政府彻底资助的教学活动以外,凡收取学费、带有商业性质的教学活动均属教育贸易服务范畴.国际教育趋势和现状促进了国际教育贸易服务的发展,教育理念的泛化将为国际教育贸易服务提供新契机,教育形式的多元化也将为国际教育贸易服务开辟新途径.     

浅谈文化消融

"文化"无时不在,无处不在。文化产生和发展的根本基础是人,人与人之间的关系无不被文化关系所包纳。文化消融属于文化整合同化论的范畴,对其的探讨有利我们妥善应对不同文化间的接触与交锋。     

论毛泽东构建和谐社会的思想——以《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》为例

胡锦涛同志在中共中央政治局第二十三次集体学习会上发表了重要讲话,强调面对复杂多变的国际形势,面对艰巨繁重的发展任务,要深刻认识正确处理人民内部矛盾的重要性和紧迫性。把正确处理新时期人民内部矛盾,作为推动科学发展、维护社会稳定、促进社会和谐的重大举措。毛泽东的《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》对妥善处理当前人民内部矛盾、构建社会主义和谐社会具有重要的理论启示和实践意义。