党中央三代领导核心赶超世界先进国家的思想研究

党中央三代领导核心分别在不同的历史时期提出了赶超世界先进国家的思想 ,既具有各自鲜明的时代特点 ,又具有相互连贯的继承和发展关系。第二代、第三代领导核心既继承了毛泽东赶超思想的精髓 ,又依据时代的发展变化 ,赋予赶超以新的内涵 ,实现了新的发展与超越。三代领导核心的赶超思想 ,是我国建国以来中国人民求富求强奋斗历程的凝缩 ,是我党的一笔巨大的精神财富。研究他们的赶超思想 ,对于在新的历史条件下总结经验教训 ,加快我国社会主义现代化建设进程 ,具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。     

国外工业化模式比较与我国产业创新选择

从国外工业化发展的经验和教训来看，创新型工业化是我国的必然选择。我国要发挥后发优势和赶超经济发达国家，探索出一条不同于经济发达国家的工业化道路，不仅要强调技术自主创新，而且要从产业组织结构内部变革，从而占据国际分工的有利地位，实现“和平崛起”的历史任务，同时避免走经济发达国家的资源耗竭和环境破坏的老路，也避免发展中国家受困于后发优势和比较优势的“双重陷阱”。     

比较优势与制度安排

以“比较优势”“、有限(价值)理性”和“制度二要素”这三个基本假设为基础,以李嘉图所举的“英国和葡萄牙”为实例,对比较优势条件与制度安排的关系作了一个比较系统的探讨,结果发现:无论是从规则安排方面来说,还是从组织安排方面来说,比较优势条件都对制度安排具有决定性的影响。就规则安排而言,在比较优势太小和分工利益太少的情况下,保障分工的规则安排往往不存在;只有当比较优势足够大和分工利益足够多时,保障分工的规则安排才能出现;但当比较优势扩大到超过“自然分工条件”的时候,这种规则安排又会失去存在的必要。就组织安排而言,当规则供给的绝对成本一定时,绝对劣势方总是比绝对优势方作为规则供给者(组织)的相对效率要高。     

全球化背景下中国企业的生产与制造——基于国际贸易理论的原因和结果分析

当今世界经济发展的一个最突出特征就是全球化。在全球化的进程中,中国企业也不可能逆流而动,而应积极参与全球分工。从贸易的角度,用静态比较优势理论和动态比较优势理论探讨中国企业参与全球分工的动因。而中国迅速成为世界制造中心的结果是,既有正面效应,如这些企业增强了我国的竞争优势,另一方面也产生了如附加值低、环境污染等一系列的负面效应。     

实施"五个战略"推动科学发展努力实现县域经济赶超跨越新任务

为应对金融危机带来的影响，实现“保增长、促发展”的目标，木兰县委、县政府针对小县资源和区位优势不明显的现状，把“加快赶超、实现跨越”做为当前的首要任务，全县上下统一形成了“小县也能干大事，弱县更要有强势”的发展观念，把学习实践科学发展观、落实十七届三中全会和省、市委经济工作会议精神，转化成为县域经济更好更快发展的实际行动，     

不应忽视思想政治工作的转化作用

思想政治工作的转化作用,不仅仅是指人们通常所说的促使后进向先进的转化,而是有着比较广泛的含义:即通过多种渠道、多种方式使人们的思想、行为向着符合党的方针政策,适应社会主义的政治、经济和道德要求的方面不断转化。几年来,随着思想政治工作从理论到实践上的拨乱反正,“高于一切”、“冲击一切”、“以阶级斗争为     

我国参与国际分工的地位变化及战略调整

经济全球化作为生产的社会化和国际分工高度发展的产物,已成为世界经济发展的必然趋势.中国作为世界上最大的发展中国家,其参与国际分工的经济发展模式和发展基础具有自身的独特性.基于比较优势理论、资源禀赋理论和国家竞争优势理论,我国参与国际分工应遵循三项基本原则,即比较优势原则、动态原则和适时从比较优势战略向竞争优势战略转变原则.因而,从长远利益出发,制定不同经济发展阶段的国际分工参与战略,不仅可以提高我国参与国际分工的价值链层次,而且也是实现国际竞争优势和整体国家利益最大化的有效途径.     

不能等着“自然成熟”

在研究后进青年的转化工作中,有的同志提出:“对后进青年不用着急,他们随着年龄增长,成家立业之后,就会产生某种家庭责任感,就会考虑付出更多的劳动来支撑经济生活,到时候就会自然而然地成熟起来。”这种“自然成熟论”,对研究后进青年的转化是有害的。     

对比较优势理论正确性的认识

受到李斯特贸易保护理论等理论的冲击,李嘉图的比较优势理论越来越受到质疑,通过对比较优势理论与当今社会国际分工与国际贸易现状,以及与贸易保护理论等理论的内在联系,揭示比较优势理论对当今国际贸易的意义,并试图用比较优势理论来对里昂惕夫之谜做出一定的解释。     

日本“入亚”的跳板:直接投资

战后日本一直把美欧作为对外经济关系的重点,采取“脱亚入美”、“脱亚入欧”战略,通过发展同美欧发达国家的紧密的经济联系,充分利用了美欧的广阔市场和先进技术,享受了所谓“后进国利益”。然而,随着日本经济的发展,追赶美欧目标的基本实现,日本与美欧关系中的竞争因素日益上升,而冷战结束又使抑制这种竞争的政治因素(共同对付苏联的战略需要)大为减弱,从而导致早已出现的西方国家间的经济矛盾、特别是日美贸易摩擦进一步激化,与此同时,以欧洲统一市场和北美自由贸易区为代表的区域经济集团化趋势日益发展;亚洲一些主要国家改革开放成效卓著,经济出现了迅速增长的局面;冷战结束又使日本发展同亚洲社会主义国家关系的制约进     

经济增长对要素禀赋变化的影响

本文梳理了资本积累、经济增长与资本丰裕度的动态变化之间的理论关系.要素禀赋决定于长期的资本积累和经济增长条件,而资本积累决定于经济的储蓄、投资意愿以及生产的效率.新古典的经济增长与贸易理论认为,长期中,一国的要素禀赋和比较优势完全由资本投资的数量,即由偏好和储蓄率决定.林毅夫和李荣林从生产函数的角度阐述了发展中国家使资本的丰裕度增加,从而改变贸易模式的途径.而所谓的"长期赫克歇尔俄林定理"则认为,要素禀赋差异不仅决定了静态的贸易模式,而且要素禀赋的初始状态决定了长期的比较优势.     

发展特色工业与四川工业化进程

新型工业化道路的实质在于形成一种新的经济发展模式,通过优化经济结构以实现经济持续快速增长。对于一个地区而言,工业经济结构的优化在于明确其在全国中的分工,发挥比较优势,大力培育和发展有竞争力的特色工业。本文从四川实际情况出发,阐明了四川发展特色工业的必要性、重要性,分析了四川特色工业发展的现有基础和潜力,对四川特色工业发展的主要方向和途径进行了探索。     

Impact of trade and investment on income surge in Bangladesh: Evidence from trade liberalization regime

Trade and investment are crucial drivers of economic growth. Successful execution of trade and investment policy can elevate a developing country to a sustained growth path and make it self-reliant. Bangladesh implemented a trade liberalization policy in the 1980s, deviating much from its conservative trade policy. This article assesses the impacts of trade, investment in physical as well as human capital, and a few trade policy variables on income surge for the liberalized regime. The econometric analysis finds that export, import, and domestic investment stimulate income. The impact of foreign investment is not conducive. Public spending on education also contributes to the income surge. Among the policy variables, trade openness and currency depreciation produce a beneficial impact. Population growth retards economic growth. The baseline results hold in the estimations involving several specifications of variables and testified as robust. The article views that a comprehensive approach to trade and investment policy would ensure the comparative advantage of trade and the well-being of Bangladesh.     

Industries, Occupations, and Trade Policy Preferences

The nature of one’s work, not just who one works for, is central to political and economic life. Yet models of trade policy preferences mostly ignore occupation, focusing exclusively on industries (perhaps because industries are the usual organizing dimension of economic policymaking). This article proposes new measures of how much risk trade imposes on different workers based on how diversified their occupation is across industries, thus considering both industry and occupation. Having a job specific to any sector appears to encourage protectionism, regardless of that sector’s comparative advantage, supporting the idea that public opinion may treat trade policy as insurance.     

Comparative advantage and trade liberalization in China

The relevance of Ricardo's theory of comparative advantage to the design of trade policy by developing and socialist countries is the subject of heated argument, particularly among Marxists who have yet to produce a satisfactory theory of international exchange based on value analysis. The debates among economists in China on their country's ‘open-door’ policy revealed the complexity of the central and related issues. Besides the possibility of being exploited and becoming dependent on developed economies, on which theorists of unequal exchange have sounded a good many warnings, developing countries also face other problems and dangers when they allow themselves to be guided by Ricardo's doctrine in conducting external trade, as the Chinese experience of trade liberalization in 1979–85 vividly demonstrated. This paper first presents an interpretative summary of the debates among the Chinese economists and then analyses what went wrong in the process of liberalization.     

企业合作问题研究

面对严峻的市场环境,许多企业纷纷从对立型的市场竞争转向合作型竞争,合作已经成为企业竞争的有效手段.企业合作不同于普通的市场交易,也有别于企业内部的层级管理,是介于市场交易和一体化之间的组织形式.企业是以赢利为目的的经济实体,降低交易成本、实现专业化分工和规模经济是企业进行合作的主要动力.在合作形式上有企业战略联盟、企业集团和对口支援等不同形式.     

China–ASEAN economic relations after establishment of free trade area*

This paper aims to contribute to an understanding about the major changes in China–ASEAN economic relations after establishment of the China–ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA) in 2010. First, China's merchandize trade balance with ASEAN has shifted from deficit to surplus since 2012. This reflects China's improving comparative advantage in manufacturing production vis-à-vis ASEAN as a whole. Second, with China's wage hike, ASEAN investors can no longer take advantage of China's cheap labor force. Concurrently, China's investment in ASEAN has been increasing and become more diversified, ranging from energy to manufacturing and services. Singapore has remained the most important investment destination for Chinese investors and the largest foreign investor in China among ASEAN countries. Third, China has comparative advantages in providing construction, telecommunications, computer and information services and other business services to ASEAN. On the other hand, ASEAN, led by Singapore, has opportunities in the financial services and tourism markets in China. Finally, the development of economic regionalism, notably the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and Trans-Pacific Partnership, will remain critical for the CAFTA's relevance in regional economic integration, as well as China–ASEAN relations in the future.     

援疆形势下新疆阜康煤炭产业发展研究

经济发展的过程是动态过程,相应地,援助制度也需要在经济发展的历程中不断变化和创新。援助制度如果能适应发展的需要作出创新,为生产活动提供激励和制度保障,援助就会是高效的。新疆阜康市抓住全国对口援疆的发展机遇,发展自身的煤炭优势产业,促进新的经济生长点,提高自我发展能力,改进人民生活,从而实现我们这个多民族统一国家的长治久安。     

Die „Friedensdividende“ der Globalisierung: Außenwirtschaftliche Öffnung und innenpolitische Stabilität in den Entwicklungsländern

One of the disputed consequences of global economic integration is the possible effect that foreign economic liberalization exerts on social cohesion. Proponents of commercial liberalism expect a stabilization, while globalization critics are much more sceptical. They assume, at least in the short run, destabilizing effects. We examine in this paper the contradictory claims for the developing world. “The rush to free trade”, to use Rodrik’s famous metaphor, has been particularly pronounced in this group of countries. Our results refute, based on different indicators, the fear that growing economic interdependence undermines the all too often fragile developing countries. The positive effect of economic openness is, however, only limited.