印度中央邦的扶贫措施

中央邦位于印度的中部,东邻奥里萨邦,东北部与比哈尔邦接壤,西部与古吉拉特和拉贾斯坦邦为邻,南界马哈拉施特拉邦,北接北方邦。面积443,459平方公里,是印度面积最大的一个邦。人口52,132,000(1981年),其中,表列部族人口为11,987,000,占全邦总人口的22,97％,是全印表列部族人口最集中的邦;表列种姓人口为7,359,000,占全邦总人口的14.10％,二者共占全邦总人口的37.07％。此外,该邦还有383个种姓和亚种姓被邦政府划为落后阶层。据统计,目前该邦大约有115万户家庭生活在贫困线(年收入不足     

印耶皈依之辩——印度立法和印度教与基督教之间辩论

20世纪40年代末至70年代,印度教与基督教之间的印耶皈依（改教）之辩,是围绕着宪法和相关法律法规的制定而展开的。虽然基督教徒所要求的＂宣教权＂写进了印度宪法,但印度教属人法,特别是一些邦通过的＂宗教自由法＂,实际上是限制甚至禁止了印度教徒改信基督教。在辩论过程中,基督教方面一再呼吁宗教自由和人权,但在印度教作为主流宗教的大环境下,无论基督教团体如何定义和解释改教,都很难避免与印度教在观念上的冲突。因此,基督教徒致力于让印度教徒改教的行动,也被大多数人认定为有碍印度教徒坚持自己信仰和文化权利,因此有必要从立法的角度加以限制。     

种姓制、社会碎片化与印度的公共治理

现代印度依然是种姓主导的社会。论文分析了种姓制在现代印度的禁忌性存在,种姓与宗教、语言、地域等因素叠加,带来的印度社会持续的碎片化,以及这种碎片化对于印度公共治理的深刻影响。     

种姓制度对印度现代化进程的影响

种姓制度是印度社会特有的等级制度,主要存在于印度教中,对伊斯兰教和锡克教也有不同程度的影响。在这种制度中,每个种姓集团都占据一定的社会位置,最高种姓是婆罗门,其次是刹帝利,再下面是吠舍,处在底层的是首陀罗。此外,还有一大批不能进入种姓序列、专门从事卑贱和脏累工作的贱民(又称不可接触者)。每个种姓都包括许多亚     

论印度特有的社会流动模式——一“梵化”

本文从对种姓制度等级特性和身份社会意义的分析入手 ,揭示出种姓制度对印度人社会身份的影响 ,并针对低种姓如何改善种姓身份的疑问 ,对印度社会中存在的“梵化”—一社会流动摸式的实现过程 ,流动特点和社会功能进行探讨。     

印度现代化与种姓制度政治功能变迁

种姓是印度教社会特有的等级制度 ,本文从政治权力在不同种姓间的分配、种姓会议与司法职能的行使和乡村社会基层政治制度三个视角入手 ,探讨了种姓制度政治功能的变迁 ,这种变迁反映了印度社会现代化过程中的两种趋势 :一是印度社会传统因素的保持与混合 ;二是与传统因素无关的新思想和外来影响的内在化。由是观之 ,在未来的印度社会中 ,种姓制度不可能原封不动的保存下来 ,其衰落之势是不可避免的 ;但同时也应看到 ;这种衰落不太可能会导致种姓的彻底灭亡 ,经过整合后它仍将构成未来印度教社会的一部分。     

印度经济、基础设施、秩序和腐败——印度人眼里的印度最重要的问题

在过去十年间,新闻媒界和学术工作都将许多注意力集中在印度的“秩序问题”上。的确,自印度独立以来,经过语言邦运动、民族问题的凸现、种姓问题的“重新发现”及政治中的派系斗争,秩序问题在印度政治生活中引发了激烈的争论。随着国大党威性的下降和政党体制的重建、两位总理的被暗杀、旁遮普动荡的延续、围绕“阿约迪亚庙寺之争”的宗教和教派冲突、阿萨姆和克什米尔的分离主义活动以及种姓间的暴力冲突的不时爆发,特别是1991年至1992年,各种姓对政府决定实施“曼德尔方案”中有关种姓保留名额的强烈反应,对秩序问题的研究更多,秩序问题也因此而更加引人注目。     

论印度特有的社会流动模式——“梵化”

本文从对种姓制度等级特性和身份社会意义的分析入手,揭示出种姓制度对印度人社会身份的影响,并针对低种姓如何改善种姓身份的疑问,对印度社会中存在的"梵化"-一社会流动模式的实现过程,流动特点和社会功能进行探讨.     

论英国殖民初期印度种姓制度的变化

种姓制度是印度的一大特征,研究印度社会的人如不进行印度种姓方面的探索,就无法真正了解印度社会。种姓研究的资料和学术成果浩如烟海,这是由于种姓制度从古至今的长期存在和南亚各国各地的巨大差异,以及任何一个学者都不可能进行真正的跨时空和全方位的研究的结果。本文涉及这个复杂而困难的研究领域,仅想就英国殖民初期尤其是1930年前印度种姓制度的一些变化,作一点尝试性的研究。     

“纯洁与污秽”──论印度的种姓婚姻

印度是一个传统势力极大的国家，传统因素在当代的巨大作用，不仅表现在宗教方面，也表现在本文所要讨论的婚姻制度中。在印度人大谈现代化的今天，他们在缔结婚姻关系时，却仍受着传统的社会制度——种姓制度所滋生出来的“纯洁与污秽”观念的严重影响，大多数青年的婚姻仍由父母包办而成，种姓因素在其中起着不可轻视的作用。本文旨在讨论印度产生种姓内婚制的原因和婚姻制度的变化，以及印度社会上仍然存在着的对未来完全实现“自由婚姻”的一些阻碍因素。一、“纯洁与污秽”观念与种姓内婚制度印度的种姓内婚制度是随着种姓制度的初级形…     

Scheduled Castes Policies in Interstate Perspective: Constitutional Power,Argumentative Practices,and Governance in India

The article discusses legal and administrative dimensions that are relevant for comparing development policies for the Scheduled Castes across Indian states. The policies for the Scheduled Castes are subject to more central control than several other policy domains. The article therefore highlights the logic in India’s multilevel system of governance while specifying the constitutional meaning of the Scheduled Caste category, its related terms and discursive relevance. This provides a background to outline the relevant institutional dimensions at the center of India’s political system and the level of the regional states. The article suggests that the Scheduled Castes Development Corporations provide a useful basis to develop interstate comparisons. However, the comparison of development policies for Scheduled Castes cannot be complete without acknowledging the extent to which policies are often a result of argumentative practices among Dalit movements and actors in context, since their demands may generate decisions or information about policies.     

Alliances,Trade Discrimination,and the Global Trade Regime

Although nondiscrimination is a central tenet of the global trade regime, discrimination was in fact common under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, particularly against developing countries. The latter have recently sought to end such discrimination through World Trade Organization rules: for example, the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (ATC) prohibited quota discrimination in this sector. I examine the ATC's impact on US discrimination, asking whether the ATC ended the US policy of favoring allies with generous textile and clothing quotas. I find that, while the United States favored allies before the ATC, this favoritism vanished in the post-ATC period. The ATC thus accomplished its goal of ending explicit textile and clothing discrimination. This result underscores the potential for multilateral rules to control trade discrimination and implies that popular theories of trade policy may be contingent on such rules.     

Religious Causes of Discrimination against Ethno-Religious Minorities

Most existing large-n cross-sectional analyses of ethnic conflict focus on the behavior of the ethnic minority rather than the behavior of the state. That is, they tend to attempt to predict or explain the level of protest or rebellion in which ethnic minorities engage at the expense of determining the causes for the behavior of the government of the state in which these minorities live. Previous studies have determined that discrimination against minority groups is one of the major causes of ethnic protest and rebellion. In addition, much of the literature on ethnic conflict does not sufficiently deal with the religious causes of that conflict. Accordingly this study focuses on the causes of discrimination with a particular emphasis on the religious causes. This study analyzes two populations from the Minorities at Risk dataset: the 105 religiously differentiated minorities and the 163 minorities that are not religiously differentiated. The results show that religious factors influence the process that leads to discrimination and that the causes of religious discrimination are distinct from the causes of other types of discrimination. In addition, the dynamics of this process are markedly different between the two populations analyzed here. All of this, along with other factors, implies that religion is not merely a reflection of general cultural differences, but rather has a distinct and separate influence on ethnic conflict.     

《大国政治的悲剧》霸权逻辑的脆弱性——评约翰·米尔斯海默的“中国威胁论”

由于美国学者约翰·米尔斯海默的《大国政治的悲剧》这本书刚出版不久 ,所以目前国内对约翰·米尔斯海默的国际政治理论进行研究的并不多 ,从逻辑结构的角度进行研究的更为鲜见。作者与约翰·米尔斯海默教授的辩论内容主要包括 5个部分 :逻辑起点 :进攻性现实主义辨析 ;逻辑支点 :民主和平论辨析 ;逻辑基点 :人口和财富辨析 ;逻辑推论 :“一个国家要想生存下去就必然成为霸权国家”辨析 ;结论     

The most-favored nation rule in principle and practice: Discrimination in the GATT

The conflicts of interest that prevailed between the great powers in the wake of the First World War eviscerated their ability to respond collectively to the advent of the Great Depression. Instead, each turned to discriminatory trade barriers and trade blocs to try to revive domestic output. Persuaded that trade discrimination exacerbated the political tensions that erupted in World War II, policy makers constructed a postwar economic order that institutionalized nondiscrimination. Thus, Article 1 of the charter of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) mandates most-favored nation (MFN) treatment. We argue here that the MFN clause itself encouraged the adoption of practices and policies that actually recreated discrimination. In particular, we argue, developing countries, long regarded as victims of discrimination, institutionalized it in their negotiations with each other. We examine two developing country PTAs that included about 80 percent of all developing-country GATT members by output (the Global System of Trade Preferences and the Protocol Relating to Trade Negotiations). We show that as in the GATT writ large, their patterns of tariff cuts and trade expansion were highly skewed toward a small number of their largest members. In trying to avoid discrimination, policy makers actually encouraged its de facto adoption.     

Discrimination and ethnic conflict: a dyadic analysis of politically-excluded groups in sub-Saharan Africa

ABSTRACT

The literature on political exclusion and conflict tends to treat grievance-based mechanisms with broad-brush strokes and does not differentiate between types of political exclusion. This study disaggregates politically-excluded groups into two subgroups: groups that experience political discrimination from the state, and groups without political power that are not explicitly discriminated against. We posit that discriminated groups are more likely to experience grievances and therefore are more prone to conflict than excluded groups that are not actively discriminated against. We further posit that the effect of discrimination on conflict is moderated by interactions with economic inequalities and the share of elites. Using dyadic data for 155 ethnic groups in 28 Sub-Saharan African countries, we find that among politically-excluded groups it is indeed discriminated groups that are responsible for most of the association between political exclusion and conflict. Groups that face active, intentional, and targeted discrimination by the state are significantly more likely to be involved in conflict than excluded groups who do not face this explicit form of discrimination. Additionally, we find that discriminated groups who also experience economic inequalities are less likely to engage in conflict, whilst an increased presence of elites within discriminated groups can precipitate the chances of conflict.     

The Homegrown Threat: State Strength,Grievance, and Domestic Terrorism

Scholars maintain that, similar to insurgency, terrorist violence is precipitated by both relative deprivation and state weakness. Yet aggrieved minority groups within a country should turn to terrorism when they are weak relative to the state rather than strong. Empirical evidence shows minority group discrimination and fragile political institutions to independently increase domestic terror attacks. But it remains unclear whether grievances drive domestic terrorism in both strong and weak states. Using data from 172 countries between 1998 and 2007, we find that for strong states the presence of minority discrimination leads to increased domestic terrorism, while for weak states the presence of minority discrimination actually leads to less domestic terrorism. Consequently, increasing state capacity may not be a panacea for antistate violence, as nonstate actors may simply change their strategy from insurgency or guerrilla warfare to terrorism. Efforts to reduce terrorist violence must focus on reducing grievance by eliminating discriminatory policies at the same time that measures to improve state capacity are enacted.     

Empathy and Strategic Interaction in Crises: A Poliheuristic Perspective

Empirical evidence supports the poliheuristic (PH) theory of decision making, which states that leaders typically employ a two-stage non-compensatory decision-making process. In stage one leaders reject options that do not meet some minimum criteria of acceptability on one or more dimensions, and in stage two they choose among the remaining options using a more rational utility-maximizing rule. While PH theory has primarily been applied at the monadic level, to explain the process and content of states' decisions, we contend it has important implications for strategic interaction and can help to explain outcomes in world politics. Specifically, we argue that a crucial variable shaping crisis outcomes is the degree to which leaders' non compensatory decision criteria in stage one include options' acceptability to the opponent. When leaders empathize with their opponent and screen out those options the opponent considers unacceptable, crises will be resolved more quickly and with a lower likelihood of escalation. Empathy introduced during the second, utility-maximizing stage, may also dampen conflict but is less effective than stage one empathy. We illustrate this dyadic non compensatory model by examining two cases involving the U.S.–China and U.S.–Iraq bilateral relationships.     

The Determinants of Civic and Ethnic Nationalisms in Kazakhstan: Evidence from the Grass-Roots Level

This article investigates the determinants of ethnic and civic nationalism in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. Using data from an original nation-wide survey (N = 1600), the regression analysis is applied to evaluate the influence of trust and perceptions of discrimination as well as sociodemographic factors on people's support of civic and ethnic nationalism(s) in Kazakhstan. The results show that trust in political institutions, perceived discrimination, and the knowledge of the Kazakh language have an impact on both types of nationalism. In addition, intragroup (ethnic) trust and income determine civic–nationalist attachments, while rural residence, Kazakh ethnicity, income, and other ethnic minorities influence ethnonationalism in Kazakhstan.     

Willingness and Opportunity: A Study of Domestic Terrorism in Post-Cold War South Asia

Domestic terrorism, as a form of intrastate violence, has varied widely in South Asia along with the post-Cold War period of global economic integration and political openness. How are these two phenomena—economic integration and emergence of democracies—related to domestic terrorism in South Asia? I argue that resorting to terrorism is a rational choice when individuals'/groups' cost of heterogeneity—deprivation from public goods due to geographical and ideological distance—increases; opportunity is provided by democratization and integration into the global economy. The testable hypotheses derived from the theory are empirically tested on a dataset of five South Asian countries for the time period between 1990 and 2007. The results show that both minority discrimination and presence of unconsolidated democratic institutions increase terrorism in the highly heterogeneous South Asian countries. International trade in the presence of minority discrimination increases homegrown terrorism, but foreign direct investment neither increases nor decreases such incidents.