《东盟宪章》：东盟一体化进程的里程碑

2007年11月20日,东盟10国领导人在新加坡举行的第十三届首脑会议上签署了对东盟而言具有划时代意义的<东盟宪章>.宪章就东盟的战略目标、原则、地位以及构架等作了明确规定,这是东盟成立40年来第一份对各成员国具有普遍法律约束力的文件.     

欧盟宪法签署的意义及其命运

10月29日,欧盟25国领导人在意大利首都罗马举行了欧盟历史上首部宪法的签署仪式,向全球送出欧盟已"长大成人"的明确信号。 欧盟宪法一路走来可谓历尽艰辛。2001年12月,为应对东扩的需要,欧盟宣布要拟定一部欧盟宪法;随后,一个由各国议会和政府、欧洲议会、欧盟委员会代表及一批专家和观察员组成的制宪大会成     

从《东盟宪章》看“东盟方式”的维护与转型

本文以《东盟宪章》出台之前的背景以及《东盟宪章》自身的内容为研究对象，认为“东盟方式”正经历一场适应新形势的转型，除了维护东盟方式中的部分原则外，更重视“第二轨道”作用和“国家内部关系”规范，侧重向“机构健全、功能强化”和向“高效的法制化”转变。     

The UN Charter,the Responsibility to Protect,and the Syria Issue

正Syria has been in turmoil since March 2011.Western countries have intervened in Syria in a high-profile manner since the beginning of the turmoil,first imposing unilateral sanctions on the Bashar     

The Making of the Inter-American Democratic Charter: A Case of Complex Multilateralism

This article examines the diplomatic process found in the making of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. Many components of this dynamic point to a significant bending of the "old" pattern of multilateralism associated with the Organization of American States (OAS). The normative purpose behind the charter centered on the collective right to democracy as opposed to the traditional defense of sovereignty. The pattern of involvement contained some parallels with initiatives considered the prototypes of a "new" multilateralism, namely the campaigns against antipersonnel land mines and for an International Criminal Court. That is to say it featured an intense style and a "bottom-up" diplomacy with extensive engagement by secondary states and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Notwithstanding these features, the multilateralism in the making of the Inter-American Charter is depicted as not simply "new" but complex. Stimulated by the 2000 political crisis located in that country, leadership on the charter came from Peru not a classic middle power. The United States was not the maker of the charter but neither was it an opponent or breaker of the initiative. The early burst of speed slowed when resistance appeared from a cluster of states. Serious splits appeared among NGOs involved with the charter process on a north/south basis. To nuance the claims of "new" multilateralism is not to discount the conceptual or (as witnessed by its use in the April 2002 crisis in Venezuela) operational significance of the charter. The argument made in this article, however, is that it was this hybrid nature of the initiative that contributed to its claims of innovation and measure of success.     

The Inter-American Democratic Charter and Governmental Legitimacy in the International Relations of the Western Hemisphere

The adoption of the Inter-American Democratic Charter by the Organization of American States in 2001 proclaiming the right to democracy in the western hemisphere was hailed by many as a landmark development. Since then, however, constitutionally dubious transitions of democratically elected governments were attempted or took place in Venezuela, Haiti, and Ecuador. This paper examines whether the Charter can and should serve as the institutional guarantor of democratic legitimacy in the Americas. Its conclusions are skeptical. As an external instrument, the Charter is bound to have limited impact when government control or authority is subjected to significant domestic disruptions. The Charter's limitations do not lie with the document itself; rather they are inherent in the structure of the international states system. But the Charter's normative basis would be problematic even if these structural limitations did not exist. Taking its cue from the classical liberal approach to international relations, the paper argues that democracy must ultimately be the choice and responsibility of those who live within its bounds, and not of outside governments or institutions.     

美国的东南亚民主战略与《东盟宪章》背后的困境

冷战结束之后,美国大肆向全世界推销其民主制度和价值观,一直将民主外交作为其非常重要的外交手段之一。在世界各地,美国都通过扶持所谓的民主力量,大力施展其"软实力",推进全球民主战略。这其中,东南亚是美国长期重视的地区,为了抵消中国、日本等国在东南亚地区天然的地缘优势上的影响,美国更是在该地区推行民主战略方面下足了功夫。而东盟作为该地区发展最为成功、对团结东南亚国家贡献最大的组织,一直以来都在其现实需要与美国压力之间进行平衡,最终将不干涉内政和推进民主人权都写进了作为其重要里程牌的文件《东盟宪章》之中。然而,由于东盟成员国的经济发展水平和政治文化制度参差不齐,这种矛盾性的策略反而使其陷入困境。如何在发展多元化民主政治的同时维护其政治安全,达成其一体化目标,这是值得东盟进一步思考与实践的难题。     

The Emotional Deficit in Political Communication

As a consequence of social changes which have weakened the boundaries between different spheres of life, politics is now interwoven with popular culture. This means that we now seek certain kinds of emotionalized experience from politics. The relationship of people to politics has changed, and has come more fully to resemble a mode of consumption. While this consumerization of politics has been much described (and criticized), its implications for the place of emotion in political communications have not been explored. From a base in the sociology of emotion, this article undertakes such an exploration. It notes how some analysts of political communication have already registered the influence of emotional states, and stresses how contemporary emotionality differs from traditional conceptions of the emotional as a domain separable from rationality and as an optional button for message strategists to press. The complexity and omnipresence of emotional states is emphasised. Political advertising is taken as one area where a sophistication of messages to match the complexity and power of audience emotions might have been expected to develop, but does not appear to have done so yet to a great extent. Making good this "emotional deficit" in political communications is not primarily a way for particular parties or candidates to gain electoral advantage (though it could be that), but is essential for the regeneration of the democratic process and the creation of a more viable settlement between reason and emotion in contemporary society.     

People's empowerment from the people's perspective

Empowerment of poor people is the declared aim of many NGOs and official development agencies. However, the failure to recognise the culture of poor people, and to use their own forms of organisation as a point of departure, means that many such programmes are in fact counter-productive. This article argues that NGOs which wish to support people's empowerment need to demonstrate their faith in poor people by respecting and supporting their own decisions.     

俄罗斯人和日本人交际中的微笑差异

微笑在交际过程中起着举足轻重的作用,它是交际中重要的乃至必要的组成部分。俄罗斯人与日本人在交际中的微笑存在着诸多差异,分析他们的文化以及民族心理和交际实际,可以了解两国人在交际中微笑差异的缘由。人们普遍认为,日本人、中国人、美国人、西欧人是爱微笑的民族;斯堪的纳维亚诸国人是不爱微笑的民族。虽然俄罗斯人富有同情心,他们的善良和好客举世公认,但他们属于不爱微笑的民族。 就表面性、相对性和传统性而言,俄罗斯的民族性格具有两极性,他们既热情、开朗、情绪激烈,又很冷漠、沉闷、忧郁。许多外国人抱怨,在街上或…     

维护和平共处五项原则和《联合国宪章》

和平共处五项原则的一些内容进一步明确和补充了《联合国宪章》的论述。联合国应通过改革确保《宪章》的基本宗旨和原则 ,坚持和平共处五项原则 ,以应对“单边主义”、“先发制人”的挑战。     

Negotiating normative premises in democracy promotion: Venezuela and the Inter-American Democratic Charter

ABSTRACT

This article analyses negotiations on democracy promotion by looking at the case of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. It argues that Venezuela contested the concept of representative democracy during the Charter negotiations, advancing the notion of “participatory and protagonist democracy” and that, even if it was unsuccessful in its demands, the country contributed to deepening the debate on the concept of democracy, on which there is far from worldwide consensus. The article suggests that the main drivers of the negotiation process and the final agreement were domestic political changes in Venezuela, specific features of the negotiations, and the structural position of Venezuela in the field of democracy promotion in the global and regional contexts, which were, at the time, favourable to a compromising attitude to conclusion of the Charter, even if not to the concept of democracy.     

The Centrality of Reciprocity to Communication and Democracy

“The Centrality of Reciprocity to Communication and Democracy” by Dianne Rucinski. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 8, 2 (June 1991) 184–194.     

菲律宾修宪与反修宪运动探析

本文介绍菲律宾1987年制定的现行宪法及其特点,比较菲律宾各届政府的“修宪”努力与修宪与反修宪阵营的对垒,研究菲律宾各届政府的“修宪”意图、“修宪”目标,并从菲律宾民主体制发展的特定历史背景、全球化与反全球化的视角剖析修宪与反修宪博弈的实质,探析修改宪法与政局动荡之间的内在联系,世纪之交菲美关系的变化对菲律宾修宪与反修宪运动的影响。     

行动党参加1964年马来西亚大选及其影响

1964年3月1日是新马关系史上的一个重要日期,是新马由磨合转向全面冲突的分水岭。当日,杜进才宣布,行动党要成为一个全国性的政党,参加马来亚大选。虽然杜进才解释说行动党仅是象征性地参加联邦选举,然而这很明显违背了李光耀向东姑作出的郑重承诺：不参加马来亚的选举。行动党宣布参加选举导致其与联盟的关系迅速恶化,并引发了新马潜藏已久的矛盾,也使新马朝向分离迈出了重要一步。     

Enhancing People's Friendly Exchanges and Promoting China-Europe Friendly Relations

正At the invitation of the Chinese Association for International Understanding(CAFIU),a tenmember delegation of 5 NGOs from Poland,Hungary,Czech and Serbia,headed by Mr.Bartosz Dominiak from"Amicus Europae"Foundation of Poland,visited China from April 14 to 23.Born in late 1970s and 1980s,most delegates are well-educated and very perceptive.     

The Method is the Message: The Current State of Political Communication Research

Formal journalism ethics, as laid out in codes of ethics by journalism associations and the like, is part of a wider debate on media ethics that has been triggered in the Middle East due to the advent of global media in the region. This study compares journalism codes from Europe and the Islamic world in order to revisit the widespread academic assumption of a deep divide between Western and Oriental philosophies of journalism that has played a role in many debates on political communication in the area. The analysis shows that there is a broad intercultural consensus that standards of truth and objectivity should be central values of journalism. Norms protecting the private sphere are, in fact, more pronounced in countries of the Near and Middle East, North Africa, and in the majority of Muslim states in Asia than is generally the case in Europe, although the weighing of privacy protection against the public's right to information is today a component of most journalistic codes of behavior in Islamic countries. Obvious differences between the West and many Islamic countries are to be found in the status accorded to freedom of expression. Although ideas of freedom have entered formal media ethics in the Middle East and the Islamic world, only a minority of documents limit the interference into freedom to cases where other fundamental rights (e.g., privacy) are touched, whereas the majority would have journalists accept political, national, religious, or cultural boundaries to their work. Despite existing differences between Western and Middle Eastern/Islamic journalism ethics and in contrast to the overall neoconservative (Islamist) trends in societal norms, formal journalism ethics has been a sphere of growing universalization throughout the last decades.     

The Place of Sociology in the Study of Political Communication

Robert K. Merton's Mass Persuasion (1946) and related 1940s communications research represent a body of work that repays those who read it carefully today. Merton charted a world that became our own, one marked by the interplay of mass media, celebrity, and “public images” that traversed cultures of entertainment, moral life, and politics. In this essay, I read Mass Persuasion through a later Merton article discussing the role of reading and rereading classic texts in the human sciences. After extending Merton's arguments about the functions of predecessor texts, I amplify aspects of Mass Persuasion that remain instructive within political communication and related fields today.