泰国反恐任重道远

“9·11”事件不仅粉碎了美国用国家导弹防御系统武装起来的安全神话 ,也终结了美国自“珍珠港事件”以来本土不可侵袭的骄傲历史。随着美国发动的“21世纪第一场战争”———反恐战争拉开序幕 ,美国的“复仇利剑”不仅刺向了阿富汗的腹地 ,反恐斗争的冲击波也席卷了有着2亿穆斯林的东南亚地区和国家。作为该地区伊斯兰教文化圈中的一分子 ,泰国为了避免在国际和地区“反恐联盟”中处于边缘化的被动地位 ,同时也为了因应在维护国内安全方面的现实需要 ,面对南部地区死灰复燃且日趋猖獗的恐怖主义活动 ,他信政府小心谨慎地启动了以“怀柔”为…     

"万隆精神"及新时期的亚非合作

2005年4月22—24日,万隆会议50周年纪念活动及亚非首脑会议在印尼的万隆隆重举行。本次首脑会议系南非和印尼政府共同提议,以“弘扬万隆精神:致力于打造新型亚非战略伙伴关系”为主题。亚非会议缔造的“万隆精神”曾深刻影响了历史。在全球化时代,“万隆精神”不仅未失去其意义,而且彰显出超越时代的光辉。本次的亚非首脑峰会更是赋予了其新的时代内容。弘扬“万隆精神”,以“万隆精神”指导和促进亚非之间的合作,符合当前广大发展中国家的利益。为此,本期我们邀请中国现代国际关系研究院的相关专家围绕万隆精神及其时代意义举行对谈,期望对您有所启迪。     

The impact of 9-11 on Sino-US relations: a preliminary assessment

Relations between the United States and the rest of the worldhave changed as a result of 9-11. In what ways has this eventchanged Sino-US relations? How should one explain the changesand continuities of the relationship? What does all this meanfor the future development of this relationship? This paperrepresents a modest attempt to address these questions.     

中柬“特殊关系”的形成(1954-1965)

1954年日内瓦会议以后的10年是中国和柬埔寨关系发展的重要时期。在这一时期中,两国关系经历了一个从彼此缺乏了解到在国际事务中密切合作的过程。在冷战时期,中国领导人视美国为对中国革命和中国国家安全的主要威胁,因此,他们对外政策的一个主要目标就是要打破美国对中国的孤立和封锁。为了反对和削弱美国这个主要敌人,中国领导人在外交领域中运用统一战线策略,分化对手并争取中立势力。就柬埔寨而言,中国领导人的主要考虑就是如何赢得西哈努克对中国的好感,争取他的合作,防止柬埔寨加入美国组织的反华包围圈。此外,中国领导人也希望通过柬埔寨来扩大中国在亚非中立国家中的影响。     

"9·11"后美国与欧盟的非洲政策比较

“9·11”之后,美国与欧盟对非洲有着基本共识,即非洲的失败国家将是美欧利益的重大潜在威胁,对此必须采取积极措施。基于这一共识,美国和欧盟都强化了在非洲的军事存在及对非援助。但美国和欧盟的非洲政策仍有着重大差异。美国的非洲政策直接服务于其全球反恐战略及维持和扩大美国在非的石油利益;欧盟则更强调对非洲问题的长期性解决办法。这体现了美欧在世界观和对国际关系认知等方面的根本差异。深刻了解美国与欧盟的非洲政策之异同,对于中国制定非洲政策及发展中非关系具有一定的启示。     

Pursuing partnership: World Vision and the ideology of development - a case study

This paper examines the role of ideology in underpinning the operations of major development movements. As a confessional NGO, World Vision (WV) presents a useful case study; and this article examines the influence on this NGO of the interaction between ideology and wider development trends. It is argued that from roots in a specific cultural expression of Christianity-which enabled a highly focused and homogeneous ethos-WV's ideology has been transformed by growth and diversification into a fusion of mainstream Christianity and the pursuit of the concept of partnership; a process which underlines the role of development and geo-political forces constantly to challenge NGOs' self-image and strategic directions.     

Norway and a major international crisis: Suez - the very difficult case

This article reviews Norway's policy during the Suez crisis in 1956, how the policy was formed and how it can be explained. Emphasis is put on the decision-making process and on the role of the powerful Norwegian Shipowners' Association. It also discusses Norway's most important interests and considerations in policy formation, and how they were balanced. Norway's Suez policy is seen in connection with the close relations with Israel, which could be viewed as in conflict with the protection of Norway's NATO membership and vital economic interests, represented by the powerful shipowners. In the end, Norway's Suez policy is put in the context of the change in Norwegian foreign and security policy in general, a shift in emphasis from being Britain's close ally and friend to being under the protective umbrella of the US, the new superpower.     

Malaysia's 2005-2006 refugee stand-off with Thailand: a security culture analysis

In September of 2005, Malaysia–Thailand relations werestressed by an incident in which 131 Thai Muslims fled acrossthe Southern Thai border to seek refuge in Malaysia. The Malaysiangovernment initially refused to return these ‘asylum seekers,’and eventually chose to internationalize the situation by callingon the United Nations High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR). Malaysia'sdecision to internationalize the issue points to potential instabilityin Malaysia-Thailand bilateral relations and reflects severalinternal political problems faced by United Malays NationalOrganization (UMNO) central decisions makers. This paper seeksto explain the Malaysian central government's security perspectiveon the northern border region. To do this, I employ MuthiahAlagappa's framework for security culture analysis in an attemptto understand Malaysian security culture from the perspectiveof that culture's central decision makers themselves. (Alagappa,M ed., (1998) Asian Security Practice: Material and IdeationalInfluences. Stanford: Stanford University Press.) Received for publication September 15, 2006. Accepted for publication October 10, 2007.     

中国与英国对非洲经贸关系比较

中、英两国与非洲都有密切的经贸关系.由于政治历史和地理原因,英国与非洲(尤其是英联邦非洲)的经贸交往比中国与非洲更为悠久,历史上也更为密切.但近年来,随着中国生产能力的快速增长,中非贸易发展迅猛,自2004年起已超过英非贸易.在投资方面,英国以私人为主、官方为辅的对非洲投资历时长久,在英国政府的鼓励和促进政策下,至今仍在不断增长;中国以国有企业为主的对非洲投资在近十年来有较快发展,但投资总额仍远低于英国,并由于投资经营等方面的经验与能力问题,中、英两国在对非洲承揽承包工程的最大差别则是英国公司多属私人资本,而中国公司多为国有企业.从未来发展趋势看,中、英两国在对非洲发展经贸关系上存在竞争,也存在合作的潜力.     

印巴关系由对抗走向缓和

本文概述了2 0 0 4年以来印巴关系走向缓和的主要情况,并分协了印巴关系的发展前景,作者认为,印巴关系真正缓和还有很长的路要走。