政治文化与政治体制改革的关系

政治文化是在长期的社会历史文化传统的影响下形成的某种特定的政治价值观念、政治心理和政治行为模式。它主要包括政治主体对政治体系、政治过程等政治现象以及自身在政治过程中所处的地位和作用的一种态度和价值倾向。政治文化对一个社会的政治有重要影响 ,政治系统也影响政治文化的形成 ,本文试图从两个方面分析政治文化和中国政治体制改革的互动影响。     

Evolution of Political Branding: Typologies,Diverse Settings and Future Research

Political branding has developed into an established and vibrant sub-discipline of political marketing. Indeed, political branding research continues to push boundaries by critically applying consumer based branding theories, concepts and frameworks to the political environment. Recently, political branding scholars have segmented research into different categories such as corporate, candidate, leader, local-regional, internal or external in orientation. Despite this development, there continues to be limited research on alternative or different typologies of political brands. This study reaffirms political branding as a distinct area of research and discusses how political brands can be conceptualised and operationalised. Further, drawing on seven empirical and conceptual papers, which focus on different typologies of political brands from a range of international contexts including Canada, USA, Iceland, Indonesia and India, we reflect on the current political branding environment. We conclude that there are multiple relationships and numerous interconnected political brands, which represent an intricate environment or ecosystem. This study offers academics and political actors guidance on how to conceptualise political brands and provides a starting point to map out the ecosystems of political brands. Finally, this study provides explicit calls for further research in political branding.     

政治话语分析的基础理论阐释:理论前提、问题域与实践性诠释

当前,政治话语问题不断显现,政治学研究应该高度关注政治话语分析。随着意识形态斗争的形势向碎片化、复杂化、隐性化发展,不仅应该注重分析工具的选择与运用,而且应该认真思考政治话语分析的基础理论问题,弄清它的思想渊源、核心对象、基本属性及其分析路径等基本维度。通过理论与实践的观察,政治话语分析是以批判性话语分析为基础,兼顾社会语言学与实践语用学的两个支撑理论,三者之间理论范式和分析模型是相互统一的,共同构成了理解政治话语分析的前提学说。作为政治话语分析的核心对象,其问题域是以不确定性为基础的政治概念的本质存疑性,不确定性的合理性构成了政治话语分析问题域的基本要素,其决定了政治话语分析基本属性及其分析路径的形成。作为一种实践性诠释,政治话语分析指向话语主体运用本质存疑概念而构建的政治话语,其既兼顾分析性的话语阐释又要体现评价性的意义批判。在多元化的政治生活世界及其政治话语关系中,基于不同的话语环境而形成的内在要素排列组合选择构成了政治话语分析的分析路径,而政治性分析路径、类型化分析路径以及论证性分析路径已经成为具体分析情境下被广泛利用的基本典范。     

试析中国政治制度化水平的科学提高

政治的科学发展是现代化的基本要求,构建科学的政治体系,发展科学的民主政治制度,保障权利和维护权力显得尤为重要。从阐述当代中国政治发展特点角度,用中国政治发展的经验,分析了科学调整政治制度的中国政治发展模式,即在保证政治对经济和社会发展有效作用的前提下,不断统筹协调、顺势而动,科学推进政治体制改革,并逐步深化和扩大民主政治进程,以确保政权稳定和国家的全面进步。     

马克思主义政治冲突思想研究

政治冲突理论是马克思主义政治学说的重要组成部分，但对它的研究还很鲜见。本运用辩证分析的方法，对阶级冲突、政治发展冲突、政治冲突的功能取向、政治冲突的发展过程、整合政治冲突的制度性设计等，进行了比较系统的阐释。     

The relationship between political attitudes and political participation: Evidence from monozygotic twins in the United States,Sweden, Germany,and Denmark

Many studies have shown that political efficacy, interest in politics, and political knowledge are strongly related to political participation. In most analyses, these variables are described as having a causal effect on participation. In this paper, we examine the extent to which the relationship between political attitudes and participation is confounded by familial factors. By using the discordant twin design, which relates within-pair differences in political attitudes to within-pair differences in political participation, we are able to examine the relationship net of confounding factors rooted in genes and the early rearing environment. Using four samples of monozygotic twins from the United States, Sweden, Germany, and Denmark, we find that the relationship between political attitudes and political participation is confounded to a large extent. This study makes an important contribution to the literature on political attitudes and political participation given the longstanding idea that attitudes cause political participation. Our findings also have practical implications for those interested in elevating levels of political participation. In addition, they have important implications for how scholars theorize about, model, and examine political participation in the future.     

The views of an advocatus dei: political marketing and its critics

This paper addresses 11 statements of criticism of political marketing. These statements represent the most commonly voiced issues and were collected from marketers and political scientists. While marketing theorists are more concerned with the state of political marketing theory, political scientists concentrate much of their criticism on aspects of political marketing management as it is experienced in practice. Each statement is discussed and general conclusions are identified. While presenting the personal opinion of the author (advocatus dei), these conclusions and statements concerning political marketing should foster critical discourse on issues such as political marketing management, concepts and ethics. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

政治冲突:现代化的阻力还是动力?

政治冲突是人类政治生活中固有的普遍现象。现代化意味着利益的重新分配与调整,将不可避免孕育政治冲突的产生。政治冲突具有不同的类型和功能。不同类型和强度的政治冲突对现代化将产生不同的价值与功能,既构成对政治体系的强大压力,又是实现政治系统动态平衡与稳定的重要动力,推动现代化的进程。     

Political exchanges of value and the stakeholder concept: Implications for public affairs

The political marketing exchange is triadic in structure, as promises given by political actors in the context of an election campaign can only be reciprocated if 1. the political actor is selected, 2. has influence over legislation negotiations, and 3. is in a position to deliver on these promises. In each of these three ‘interaction marketplaces’, political actors are indirectly influenced by stakeholders. These ‘indirect stakeholders’ are often public affairs practitioners engaged in lobbying activities in the political sphere. This paper integrates the triadic interaction model of political marketing exchange with the political marketing stakeholder concept and highlights how public affairs practitioners can target their efforts for maximum benefit. This aim is motivated by a need to increase our understanding of how political marketing theory can help political actors and their stakeholders to optimise the resources that are used on marketing activities across the electoral cycle.     

Adler on the influence of siblings in political socialization

This paper reviews the individual psychology of Alfred Adler with a focus on the implications for political science. Adler's emphasis on social characteristics of the family suggests several hypotheses about the influence of siblings on a sense of political efficacy. These hypotheses are tested with the following results. First, the size of the family affects the sense of political efficacy of boys, but not girls. As family size increases, boys' sense of political efficacy decreases. Second, birth order affects the sense of political efficacy. Specifically, youngest children have a higher sense of political efficacy than middle children, who have a higher sense of political efficacy than oldest children. Finally, the sense of political efficacy for sibling dyads conforms to the predictions based on birth order effects. Siblings of the same sex have lower agreement scores than siblings of the opposite sex.A preliminary version of this paper was presented at the 1977 Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association.     

Are we witnessing a paradigm shift in the analysis of political competition?

This presidential address assesses the crisis of the Downsian model of political competition in light of the mounting evidence on policy divergence and evaluates the possibility that the new theories of politicians’ quality and political selection provide an alternative theoretical conceptualization of political competition. Based on a critical review of the literature and on the author’s works on content analysis of policy speeches, income redistribution, politicians’ quality, and political legislation cycles, this address concludes that multidimensional Downsian models of political competition are adequate to explain policy divergence and points out the serious theoretical and empirical problems that models of political selection have to solve.     

(Re-)Assessing Career Patterns in Multi-Level Systems: Insights from Wallonia in Belgium

This article proposes a new analytical framework for the study of political careers in multi-level systems. It is argued that the study of vertical movements between political arenas, which constitutes the prevalent methodological approach in the literature on political careers, should be complemented by the study of horizontal movements within political arenas. Based on a longitudinal analysis of individual political careers, the micro-approach developed in this article allows the comprehension of all territorial dynamics of political careers in multi-level systems. Based on an in-depth case study of all 419 Walloon careers in Belgium, four career patterns are identified: national careers, regional careers, multi-level careers and discrete careers. Although Belgium presents an integrated structure of opportunity, it is demonstrated that key evidences underline the prevalence of a regional and a national political class along a highly integrated political elites.     

Trading policy: Constituents and party in U.S. trade policy

Studies of US trade policy legislation focus on the effect of constituents on trade policy voting and give less weight to institutions such as political parties. To demonstrate that political parties affect voting, I compare the votes of politicians who share constituency characteristics but differ in political party affiliation. This approach requires less reliance on assumptions about, or empirical measures of, constituents’ trade preferences. The results demonstrate that political parties play a significant role in legislative voting on trade policy. Theories of political economy therefore should incorporate how constituency interests and partisan pressures affect legislative voting.     

Between Psychoanalysis and Political Philosophy: Towards a Critical Theory of Political Myth

Abstract

This paper focuses on a specific aspect of political imaginaries: political myth. What are political myths? What role do they play within today's commoditized political imaginaries? What are the conditions for setting up a critique of them? We will address these questions, by putting forward a theory of political myth which situates itself between psycho analysis and political philosophy, in line with the tradition of critical theory that many still associate with the name of the Frankfurt School. We will first discuss the notion of political myth by illustrating the contribution of both disciplines to its understanding and then, through a discussion of the notion of social unconscious, we will apply this analysis to a contemporary example of political myth, that of a clash of civilizations.     

Commentary: The Third Wave of McCarthyism: Co-opting the Language of Inclusivity

In 1967, the burgeoning discontent of many political scientists culminated in the establishment of the Caucus for a New Political Science. The Caucus included political scientists of many diverse viewpoints, but it was united methodologically by a critique of behavioralism and by the idea that political science should abandon the myth of a value-free science. In recent years, political scientists have authored numerous commentaries on “the tragedy” of political science, “the crisis” in political science, and “the flight from reality in political science,” while in 2000 these discontents resurfaced in the “perestroika” rebellion, which again denounced the American Political Science Association as an organization that promotes a “narrow parochialism and methodological bias toward the quantitative, behavioral, rational choice, statistical, and formal modeling approaches.” This paper reviews the intellectual origins of New Political Science by examining some of the major works of the late 1960s and early 1970s purporting to establish the foundations of a new political science. It concludes that new political science offers a methodological critique of behaviorialism and a sociological critique of the relationship between political science and political power, but there is no consensus on what constitutes a new political science beyond its critical stance toward the existing discipline.     

廉洁政治:内涵、结构与运行逻辑

十八大报告在党的重要文献中第一次提出"廉洁政治"这个概念,要求做到干部清正、政府清廉、政治清明。从政治发展角度来看,廉洁政治是现代国家治理的必然要求。廉洁政治内涵具有三个理论维度:政治设计、价值取向和实践状态。政治设计为廉洁政治建设提供合法性,价值取向为廉洁政治建设提供发展方向,实践状态让政治设计和价值取向实现统一,从而为廉洁政治建设开辟道路。廉洁政治的内在结构包括廉洁政治观念、廉洁政治关系和廉洁政治行为三个部分,这三个部分具有一定的逻辑关系,从廉洁政治观念到廉洁政治关系再到廉洁政治行为,一个比一个更接近于政治生活现实。建设廉洁政治应遵循并实现法治逻辑、制度逻辑和治理逻辑的统一:法治逻辑要求依法治腐,把所有廉政建设事务纳入法制框架;制度逻辑要求制度反腐,推进宏观层面的行政体制改革、中观层面的廉政制度建设以及微观层面的分权机制探索;治理层面要求实现廉政组织重构、廉政资源配置、廉政信息公开、廉政主体合作等。     

Knowing and Not Knowing: The Internet and Political Information

Information is an essential element in meaningful decision making. In order to make qualified democratic decisions, correct political information is required. Even though indirect democracy is mainly based on decisions taken by elected representatives, citizens need to possess relevant information on politics and understand the rules of the political game in order to cast a meaningful vote. Recently, demands for more direct and participatory democracy in mature democracies have intensified the debate on politically sophisticated versus ignorant citizenry. This article focuses on the interplay between the use of the Internet and political knowledge. First, the role of the Internet in acquiring politically relevant information is deciphered. Second, an applied test of the virtuous circle hypothesis is carried out. It suggests that the most motivated citizens are also most likely to use the political opportunities of the Internet. Therefore, a third research question is examined: Does the obtained political information accumulate into higher political knowledge levels among the Internet users? The data consist of the national election study of 2003 in Finland. The results show that the role of the Internet in seeking political information is still limited. Even so, a distinct group of citizens who seek political information on the Internet can be identified. This group of ‘modern political citizens’ is rich in political information in many ways. Thus a virtuous circle does seem to exist. On the other hand, the data indicate that Internet use itself increases political knowledge only to a marginal degree when other variables are controlled for.     

Political Parties and Minority Governance in Hybrid Political Orders: Reflections from Lebanon’s Palestinian Settlements and Kosovo’s Serbian Enclaves

This article analyses how minority populations govern and are governed in South Lebanon’s informal Palestinian settlements and the Serbian enclave in North Kosovo. Drawing on literature about hybrid political orders, it is argued that in both settings political parties play a linchpin role in local governance. Based on this finding, three key functions of political parties in the governance of minority populations in hybrid political orders are identified: representation, provision and brokerage. Understanding the interdependencies and trade-offs between these different roles contributes to remedying the analytical blind spot regarding the nature, positions and roles of political parties in hybrid political orders.     

Compulsory voting and political engagement (beyond the ballot box): A multilevel analysis

Proponents of compulsory voting argue that this institution leads to higher levels of political engagement. Opponents of mandatory voting instead argue that forcing people to vote can increase feelings of political alienation and generate lower levels of political engagement. The empirical record on this issue is scarce and inconclusive. This paper revisits this question with a series of multilevel models that evaluate the impact of compulsory voting on different forms of political engagement, using data from all the waves of the Americas Barometer Survey (2004–2014). The results suggest that compulsory voting has a negligible effect on political engagement. However, the results also reveal an interesting interaction. Citizens with low levels of education are more likely to be cognitively engaged with the political process when voting is mandatory.