孟加拉国多元平衡外交的历史向度、现实考量与前景展望

孟加拉国自1971年独立以来奉行“平衡外交”策略。孟加拉国国父谢赫·穆吉布·拉赫曼被称为“外交政策的总设计师”,他推崇的“友及四方,不存恶意”外交理念和把孟加拉国打造成“东方瑞士”的外交定位对该国后来的外交政策制定产生深远影响。独立50余年来,孟实现了改善与印度关系,推动与巴基斯坦关系正常化,加强与伊斯兰国家间联系,积极加入国际和地区组织和合作机制,并深化与中国、日本、俄罗斯等主要大国间关系。孟加拉国之所以制定多元平衡外交战略,主要基于经济发展、政治稳定和区域安全三大需求。未来,孟加拉国将继续与印度保持紧密联系,与中国持续加强合作,并强化与日本、俄罗斯、美国等国家间关系,为发展优化资源配置。     

巴基斯坦历史教科书里的中国历史书写

2015年,中巴两国外交关系被提升至全天候战略合作伙伴关系,传统友谊与全方位合作得到深化和稳固.基于这一背景,巴基斯坦人是否对中国或中国历史有着相对全面和详细的了解呢?我们以巴基斯坦历史教科书作为研究对象,考察巴基斯坦学校六年级到八年级的八套历史教科书中关于中国历史的书写.研究发现,巴基斯坦现有历史教科书中的中国历史篇幅总体占比较小,内容也很不完整.从教科书编写者的角度看,巴基斯坦本土统编历史教科书只简略讲述了中国古代文明,不涉及中国近现代和当代历史内容;英国学者编历史教科书虽勾勒了中国从古至今的历史发展主线,但却以西方价值观解读中国历史,他们的观点代表西方话语.可以说,巴基斯坦历史教科书描绘了一个不完整的"过去式"中国,关于中国历史的书写呈现鲜明的西方话语特点,但也承认中国历史发展的进步性.同时,巴基斯坦历史教科书不仅缺失中国历史的内容,而且缺少巴基斯坦与世界其他地区和国家互动交流的内容.文献分析表明,巴基斯坦历史教科书基于该国伊斯兰教历史和民族政治历史书写的原则,反映其自身伊斯兰文化传统,并对政治民族主义意识形态起到指导作用,这与英国二百多年殖民统治留下的教育和文化遗产密不可分.     

从东盟经验看南亚地区合作前景

世界上还没有哪个由几个国家构成的地区像南亚地区那样在种族来源、社会文化价值、政治传统和历史经历上拥有如此众多的共同点。在这个地区里,一些国家有许多相似的地方,孟加拉、印度和巴基斯坦,有着相似的历史和政治经历,仅在四十年前还是英国直接或间接统治下的一个大的政治实体,如果把史前时代包括在内,人们也可以把尼泊尔和斯里兰卡归进这个友好和敌对关系兼有的大的社会政治     

地方性知识与东帝汶的国族建设

在尚未有效建立现代国家集权体制前,东帝汶就进入了吉登斯所说的"民族国家的全球时代",因而其国族建设历程与大多数民族主义研究的经典论述有所不同.作为在2002年才重新取得独立地位的民族国家,东帝汶既面临凝聚人心、建设国民身份认同、提高国家治理能力的任务,也需应对全球化对中央分权和地方自治的要求.本文在借鉴既有研究成果的基础上,通过梳理祖先崇拜、神灵信仰、非对称式联姻制度以及二元政治结构等东帝汶地方性知识体系,论证其在东帝汶的国族建设过程中所发挥的基础性作用.东帝汶的案例说明,国族建设不能被简化为"技术性"问题,政治和经济属性无法替代国族建设的文化属性,而且国族建设需要"自下而上"的草根视角,地方性知识与实践至今仍影响着东帝汶人的身份认同和文化观念,也持续影响其社群关系和社会结构.     

俄罗斯"东转战略"的国内政治影响要素探析:战略文化、央地关系与政治结构

"东转战略"是俄罗斯自乌克兰危机发生之后加快实施的重要战略。其直接战略目标存在于两个层面:一是加强与亚太地区国家的政治、经济联系以缓解来自西方的战略挤压;二是通过推进远东发展来为俄罗斯经济发展打造新的"引擎"。文章以新古典现实主义理论为基础,通过国内政治的视角分析了战略文化、央地关系和政治结构三个要素对于"东转战略"内外政策实践的不同影响。在战略文化方面,西方主义、民族主义和欧亚主义三种思潮分别影响了"东转战略"的内外政策,其中对外政策的战略文化以保守现实主义为原则,其核心是民族主义和欧亚主义思想;而国内政治的战略文化则是以保守自由主义为原则,以民族主义和西方主义为主要思想。在央地关系方面,"强中央—弱地方"兼具地区排他性的央地关系模式一方面有利于俄罗斯的外交战略转向,另一方面则不利于远东开发中联邦主体能动性的激发。在政治结构方面,人格主义与机制主义的博弈决定了"东转战略"内外政策实践的不同,使得俄罗斯的远东开发战略面临阻碍。文章通过国内政治的视角来考察"东转战略"在内外政策实践上的不同,有利于进一步思考俄罗斯战略决策过程的发展与演变,从而为探究"东转战略"的未来走向奠定坚实的基础。     

韩国道教的起源——韩国道教的自创论和外来传入论的比较研究

道教不但是中国传统思想文化的基础和主流,也是东亚传统思想文化的基础之一。亚洲国家中除了中国以外,受道教影响最大的要数韩国和日本。在韩国,对于道教的研究并不十分火热。所幸这几年随着韩国研究道家的学者越来越多,更多的研究成果被公之于世。我们为了更好地理解韩国的道教,应该从韩国道教的起源开始,并且不局限于韩国学者的研究成果,更要走向国际,特别是与中国学者共同努力研究韩国的道教。     

美国亚洲再平衡战略下的东亚地区格局

<正>一亚洲再平衡:一石激起千层浪自从美国推行亚洲再平衡战略以来,围绕中美关系展开的东亚地区局势变动可谓牵一发动全身,极大地影响和推动着东亚地区形势的演变发展。中美作为最强大的地区和全球大国,必将成为东亚国际关系和安全安排的重要角色。亚洲再平衡即使是美国全球战略调整的一部分,也是从其他地区向亚太倾斜的调整。美国亚洲再平衡被认为是应对中国崛起的举措,由此引发的中美关系曲折反复致使奥巴马第一任期对华政策出现"高开低走"。中美关系本来从未真正一帆风顺     

印度"东进"的战略逻辑及其变迁

印度"东进"是一个战略系统,其要素由南亚地区战略、 从"向东看"到"向东行动"、"印太战略"等构成.南亚地区战略构成了印度"东进"的基础,从"向东看"到"向东行动"体现了印度在"东进"上的心态与行为变化,"印太战略"则更加明确了印度"东进"的战略形态与内容.印度"东进"的战略逻辑由一般性战略逻辑和特殊性战略逻辑构成,这两种逻辑的根本目的都是服务于印度成为世界大国的目标.在它们的共同推动下,印度"东进"的战略逻辑发生了显著变迁,呈现出从普遍排他性到特定排他性、从经济为主到安全建构、从非结盟到结盟行为体、从地区权力到全球权力等方面的变化.印度"东进"对中国的影响显而易见,其逻辑决定了中印关系的互信程度将长期保持很低,甚至是赤字的水平,在地缘政治安全方面也给中国造成一定的压力.     

澳大利亚孟席斯政府卷入越南战争的原因分析

澳大利亚政府是在越南战争期间积极支持美国的军事行动的西方国家之一,对于其出兵越南的原因一直存在争论.本文认为,国内特殊的政治环境、基于前进防御战略的国家安全需要、相关信息的匮乏以及澳大利亚当时所处的特殊国际环境等一系列因素促使澳大利亚政府向越南派遣军事顾问以及最后部署大量军队协助美国在印支地区的作战.越南战争的失败促使澳大利亚重新反思其亚洲政策,并逐渐加强了其与亚洲在经济、政治和文化领域的交流.     

从中国软力量到东亚软力量

伴随着地区主义运动的不断演进,以非军事对峙和非暴力为基础、强调文化和政策吸引力的软力量开始在地区国际关系中发挥日益突出的作用,软力量的运用也推进了地区主义向纵深发展。国家在地区主义中的软力量可以分为四种表现形式:文化吸引力、政策感召力、地区创制力和地区公信力。中国在东亚地区主义进程中上升的软力量成为促进东亚融合的新动力。同时,地区价值观的塑造、地区参与度和地区主义构想的形成,都影响着地区制度化水平和整个地区在国际事务中的角色和地位。培育东亚作为一个独立地区实体的软力量应当成为中国亚洲政策的一个重要组成部分。     

Malcolm Caldwell

This paper is an analysis of the role played by the 1952 language movement (bhasha andolan) in East Bengal in the development of a Bengali nationalist discourse. The language movement forged a conscious link between various subaltern social groups, enabling them to transcend existing barriers and transform them into formidable political actors. Using the concept of counter hegemonic striving, this paper argues that the language movement was a definitive outcome of years of counter hegemonic activities of the Bengali subalterns.

This process of counter hegemony was especially evident in the peasant insurgency in rural areas and in the building of an alternative political organization. The articulation of political power through these two processes stands in sharp contrast to the efforts of the Muslim League, both ideologically and politically. It negated the idea of the very existence of the Pakistan state, and facilitated new ways of articulating the concept of Bengali nationalism. Although the unit forged by the language movement was short-lived it, nonetheless, underscored the existence of an indigenous political culture to the subalterns and paved the way for the historic emergence of a separate nationstate in 1971 — Bangladesh.     

Perspectives on the study of culture and international politics: From Nihonjinron to the new Asianism∗

Stephanie Lawson, Professor of International Relations at the University of East Anglia in Norwich, UK, considers the role that the concept of “culture” has come to assume in the study of international politics, especially in relation to the Asia‐Pacific region. Much of the cultural nationalist rhetoric associated with the “Nihonjinron” as well as discourses surrounding the “new Asianism” has had two main consequences. One has been to reinforce static perceptions of culture as a marker of essential difference. On the other hand, some obvious instrumental uses to which it has been put by some political elites in the region has generated a great deal of cynicism about the concept. Taking culture seriously requires a different approach—one which stresses the dynamic properties of culture and its potential role in transcending the “East‐West” divide. The original version of this paper was presented at the Nissan Institute of Japanese Studies, St. Antony's College, Oxford, on 29 November 1998.     

Patriarchal Investments: Marriage,Dowry and the Political Economy of Development in Bangladesh

This article explores why dowry inflation persists in Bangladesh, despite the country being widely heralded as a development success, especially with regard to gender. The article asks three questions. Does rural Bangladesh show changing patterns of marriage similar to those reported elsewhere in South Asia and more broadly? What might explain the persistent spread and inflation of dowry payments? How might changes in marriage and the inflation of dowry be related to the broader political economy of development in Bangladesh? Analysis of primary data from rural Bangladesh affirms shifts in norms of marriage arrangement and conjugal relationships, but also emphasises considerable continuity. The political economy of development in Bangladesh is briefly described. Dowry is argued to function not as compensation for perceived weakness in women’s economic contribution, but to bolster men’s. In mobilising “additional” resources, dowries help sustain the economic system and indicate ongoing commitment to cultural idioms of masculine provision and protection, against a background of widespread corruption and political and gender violence.     

Genocidal Violence,Nation-Building,and the Bloody Birth of Bangladesh

Why did the Pakistani military carry out genocidal violence against East Pakistani Hindus during the 1971 civil war when the Hindus did not constitute a security threat? This question carries not only theoretical but also important policy and security implications in present-day Bangladesh. A uniquely in-depth analysis of the little-known genocide in East Pakistan in 1971 shows that genocidal violence may be used as an instrument of nation-building. It was designed to mobilize both the Pakistani troops and the Bengali Muslim population against a convenient, well-defined enemy. The logic of othering – and then exterminating – a religious minority was meant to integrate a defiant, and previously marginalized, group into a reimagined community.     

Falling Foul of Section 44(i): Australian's Dual Citizenship Saga and the Problems of Institutional Inertia and “Drift”

Australia's “dual citizenship” crisis erupted in 2017 when several elected members of the federal parliament discovered that they were ineligible to sit because their dual citizenship status meant that they were in breach of s 44 (i) of the Australian constitution. The controversy has had enormous political consequences, prematurely ending several political careers and confirming that millions of Australians are ineligible to sit in the federal parliament because they hold dual citizenship. It has raised important questions about the contemporary relevance of s 44 (i) for multicultural, trans-national Australia, given its association with singular, racialized (British-colonial) notions of identity, allegiance and belonging. Using a historical institutionalist approach, and associated concepts of policy “drift”, I demonstrate the inevitability of the recent controversy, given decades of government inertia and both unintentional and purposeful non-decision-making on s 44, despite repeated expert warnings about its risks. I reflect upon the possible interests and ideological biases that have compelled political leaders’ resistance to proposals to decisively fix the constitutional anomaly by holding a popular referendum. I argue these failures have left Australia vulnerable to ongoing political instability and raise considerable concerns about its democratic quality.     

INHERITING “JAPANESE-NESS” DIVERSELY

The late twentieth century saw a rise of global discourse about heritage. Research on heritage politics, however, has shed little light on heritage practices in schools, especially regarding language, that is, how heritage language is constructed and how it is “inherited” by students of various backgrounds. Heritage language education is often viewed as a means to empower heritage language speakers or to address the diverse needs of students in language classes. In existing works, the individual’s link to “heritage” is assumed as given and stable. More recent works show that the processes and effects of heritage language education are complex and nuanced due to diverse personal backgrounds and changing political economy and cultural politics. The role of schooling in the process of “inheriting” language, however, has not attracted much attention: how students are grouped or tracked into a particular class, for example. After ethnographically investigating various views and practices at a weekend Japanese language school in the northeastern United States throughout 2007 and 2008, the authors of this article argue that heritage language school is not merely a place to reproduce “heritage” by passing it on to students, but it is also a productive site where ways to imagine “heritage” and “inherit” it proliferate. The article analyzes the processes by which what would be considered as merely “speaking Japanese” and “being Japanese” outside heritage language school are differentiated into diverse ways of being Japanese. It suggests a need to investigate school as a site of heritage politics as well as a need for researchers and practitioners to view heritage language education not only as a way to teach language but also as a means to gain an understanding of heritage politics.     

Farewell My Country? Hermannsburg,Gus Williams,and the Indigenised Heimatlied

This microhistory focuses on a little-known aspect of Indigenous musical life in the 1960s in the Lutheran Hermannsburg Mission (now Ntaria) in Central Australia. I contemplate the possible meanings arising when Gus and Rhonda Williams translated the secular German Heimat- cum-Wanderlied [song of home-cum-wandering], “Ade du mein Heimatland”, [Farewell to you my homeland], into Arrarnta as “Ade pmara nukai” [Farewell my country], and “presenced Indigeneity” for a predominantly non-Indigenous, southern audience. I explore how a German song became “travelling culture”; how it was received and modified to suit both missionary and Indigenous purposes, in the process both expressing a vernacularised Arrarnta Lutheranism, as well as maintaining music’s vital role in Indigenous culture, including as a signifier of love of country. I further examine how the song could have a political meaning in the nascent land rights context of the day, as an assertion of attachment to country or “Indigenous Heimat” that could resonate back, across a cultural divide, with a non-Indigenous Lutheran audience.     

东亚文化与出版交流的实践与思考——东亚出版人会议的意义解读

东亚出版人会议紧扣着东亚文化与出版两大主题,从人的交流、书的交流到企划出版的交流这3个层面,既务虚也务实。一方面通过相互间的文化与理念的交流,期望了解彼此邻近却隔膜的现代化的心路历程;另一方面则通过共同出版"东亚人文书100",进行跨越国界的文化事业的交流。不过,中、日、韩3国所推荐的书目依然代表着各自不同的文化诉求,因此,如何通过文化的交流来重构东亚的价值和理念,还需要出版人的进一步努力。     

Party,State and the Control of Information in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic: Secrecy,Falsification and Denial

ABSTRACT

Since taking control of Laos in 1975, the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party and the government of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) have relied heavily on secrecy, denial and information management and control to govern. These tools have been used for presenting the Party and state as united in support of the country’s one-party communist political system and as being the only real political option. This article presents a number of examples of the particular ways the Party and state have done this. The following are discussed: the little-known rift between the “Red Prince” Chao Souphanouvong and Kaysone Phomvihane; conflict between the Lao PDR and Vietnam and China; the anti-Lao PDR insurgency; calls for political change via the “Social Democratic Club” in 1990; unsuccessful student protests for political change in 1999 and 2009; the forced disappearance of Sombath Somphone; and recent attempts to control social media to publicise anti-government viewpoints. Secrecy, falsification and information management and control have important implications, both with regard to conducting research about Laos and in relation to how outsiders tend to analytically frame the study of Party and state.     

Strategic Othering: Framing Lebanese Migration and Fraser's “Mistake”

Australian Minister for Immigration and Border Protection, Peter Dutton, has framed the mid‐1970s immigration of Lebanese affected by civil war as Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser's “mistake”. His remarks sparked controversy in the parliament and the media. The issue became a contest of frames between the Murdoch media, which supported the Minister's “mistake” frame and argued his right to “tell the truth”, and the Fairfax media, which viewed the Minister as being “racist” for “scapegoating” the Lebanese community. Along with archival documents, this article examines the context and coverage of the Minister's remarks, noting that the frames presented in the media “indexed” those adopted amongst political elites, while failing to re‐examine the historical record. This case study demonstrates the power of framing and the media's tendency to accept rather than challenge frames used by those in the political contest, with the result that errors in the representation of history were never corrected. This article draws on framing theory and indexing theory and concludes that the “mistake” frame for the Lebanese feeds into narratives that serve to “other” Muslim and Arab groups, fanning fears and mobilising a discourse of Islamophobia around the exclusion of “undesirable” immigrants on the basis of “cultural fit”.